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Fundamentalism, although many associate it with Islam, in reality this concept is a global phenomenon. So that it can happen to every other religion and civilization. Then why is it associated with Islam? In fact, whenever there is violence that threatens the stability of security, the assumption is that the subject is the Islamic movement. This is because some people perceive Islam as a religion with Islamic fundamentalism as a political ideology. Huttington, for example, in his writing Clash civilization, is seen by Tibi as having ignored the crucial difference between Islam as a religion and fundamentalism as political Islam. It must be admitted that there are distortions in understanding the verses of the Al-Qur'an as well as the political orientation and violence which are the main characteristics of almost all movements known as Islamic fundamentalism, causing them to sometimes be trapped in violence. But making generalizations that violence or terrorism is always synonymous with Islamic fundamentalism is a simplistic and unwise conclusion. Violent fundamentalism can also occur in other religions such as the Serbian orthodox, and Hindu fundamentalism which wants to realize India as Hindustan. To avoid prolonged conflict, it is time to revive peace by improving the political, economic and social conditions that triggered the emergence of Islamic fundamentalism rather than taking violent action against them. The time to revive peace is not through jihad or military force as revenge. ; Fundamentalisme, meski banyak yang mengaitkan dengan Islam namun pada realitasnya konsep tersebut merupakan fenomena global. Hingga bisa saja dapat terjadi pada setiap agama dan peradaban lain. Lalu mengapa dikaitkan dengan Islam? Bahkan pada setiap terjadi kekerasan yang mengancam stabilitas keamanan muncul anggapan bahwa subjeknya adalah gerakan Islam. Hal ini dikarenakan sebagian orang menganggap sama antara Islam sebagai agama dengan fundamentalisme Islam sebagai idiologi politik. Huttington misalnya dalam tulisannya Clash civillization dipandang Tibi telah mengabaikan perbedaan yang krusial antara Islam sebagai agama dengan fundamentalisme sebagai Islam politik. Harus diakui adanya distorsi dalam memahami ayat-ayat Al-Qur'an juga orientasi politik dan kekerasan yang menjadi ciri pokok dari hampir keseluruhan gerakan yang disebut sebagai fundamentalisme Islam, menyebabkan mereka terkadang terjebak melakukan kekerasan. Tetapi membuat generalisasi bahwa kekerasan atau terorisme selalu identik dengan fundamentalisme Islam adalah kesimpulan yang simplisit dan kurang bijaksana. Kekerasan fundamentalisme dapat juga terjadi pada agama yang lain seperti ortodox Serbia, dan fundamentalisme Hindu yang ingin mewujudkan India sebagai Hindustan. Untuk menghindari konflik berkepanjangan saatnya menghidupkan kembali perdamaian dengan lebih memperbaiki kondisi politik, ekonomi, dan sosial yang menjadi pemicu munculnya fundamentalisme Islam ketimbang mengambil tidakan kekerasan terhadap mereka. Saatnya menghidupkan perdamaian bukan lewat jihad atau kekuatan militer sebagai balas dendam.

International audience ; This article attempts to explain why and how the Indian state has been successful in managing the militant form of Islamic fundamentalism in India, despite favourable internal and external conditions for such militancy. Internally, it includes such factors as the relative material and cultural deprivation of Indian Muslims, the context of Hindutava and the communal riots, and externally, the Islamic radical movements abroad. Varied literatures have emphasized these factors for the growth of Islamic fundamentalism and Islamic militancy across the Muslim world. However, India has not witnessed large-scale Islamic militancy, despite the growth in Islamic fundamentalist organizations. The article offers a theoretical perspective that takes into consideration the interplay of the nation-building process, the constitutional framework of minority rights, the doctrine of Indian secularism, and the democratic political process. This interplay explains the absence of large-scale militancy and violence, either on the part of Islamic fundamentalist groups/institutions or the Muslim population in India.

Since 9/11 the world has regarded Pakistan and Afghanistan as the epicentre of Islamic fundamentalism. Many of the early observations dealt with the tremendous challenge that terrorism and religious-militant extremism would pose for peace and stability from a geopolitical perspective. Realising the increasingly complex scenarios as well as the causalities and impacts, analyses on the phenomenon under discussion were slowly but persistently broadening. In order to be able to address not only the militant, but also the socio-economic and political dimensions of Islamic fundamentalism - the networks and ideological foundations of internationally acting fundamentalist groups have increasingly caught the attention of observers worldwide. (.)

This article deseribes the guestions of the ethimology of religions extrimizm and fundamentalism, threats and consegumces for prospects of the democratic society to eliminate them as well as problems of the secular state, and religions relations, youth education (growing up) in the spirit of pan-human values and culture.

The wave of Islamic militancy that is currently sweeping the world and which is variedly referred to as radical Islamic Fnndamentalism, Islamism, Islamic Resurgence, and the world-wide Jihad movement has its remote origins in the Muslin Brotherhood movement in Egypt in the late 1920s. During the early years of its existence the Brotherhood advocated the revitalisation of Islam as part of the anti-colonial movement among Egyptians. The Brotherhood soon spread to other parts of the Arab world where it acquired a more temporal and a less apolitical character as it became more deeply involved in the growing anti-colonial struggle that followed the end of the Second World War in 1945. As a result, by the early 1950s the Brotherhood's welfare activities had become over- shadowed by its commitment to mainly political objectives.

The Rifa`iyah Jama'ah is one of the Islamic mass organizations in Indonesia founded by Kiai Ahmad Rifa` I who seems to have disappeared from circulation because of the views handed down from the days of the Dutch colonial administration, that this group or teachings were heretical and opposed to more ulama moderate against the Netherlands. The purpose of this article is to find out the movements and teachings of the Raifa`iyah Jama'ah which are considered by some to be radical, and exclusivist organizations, but over time the Rifa`iyah congregation becomes a more lenient fundamentalist organization towards the government as an effort of existence organization to be accepted by the Indonesian people in general and not be considered a radical and heretical organization by the wider community. This research is library research. This study found three main findings that the teachings and political thought of KiaiRifa'i focused on three things: first, the Dutch colonial government was Kafir, and it was haram to be followed because it was oppressing the people. Secondly, the traditional bureaucrats, including the princes and ulemas who collaborated with the Dutch, were Dutch accomplices and they were wicked. Third, the practice of religion must not be mixed with the beliefs of the ancestors, which are considered heretical and polytheistic. Of course, such teachings were considered very dangerous by the Dutch. So on May 15, 1859, he was arrested and then exiled to Ambon, Maluku. Ten years in Ambon, he was moved to Sulawesi until he died in 1869. He was buried in the Kyai Mojo tomb complex, on a hill about one km from Kampung Jawa Tondano, Minahasa, Manado, North Sulawesi.

Abstract: Islamic fundamentalism has often been accused as a source of conflict so that it should be ended immediately. And the radical movement should put forward a complete understanding of diverse religions. Likewise, in every movement, it is necessary to keep the political and economic interests away from religion, because such factors triggers inter-religious conflict. The brutal act by a group of people who claims the most righteous by displaying the most sinister and frightening face of Islam, is really far from Islamic values. Islam is rahmatan lil 'alamin, especially towards fellow Muslims who believe in the truth of Islam based on the Koran and the Sunnah as the main and first source of Islamic teachings. If this motto is implemented seriously, the conflicts that have occurred will not be repeated. In its further development, fundamentalism undergoes a change, a shift, and is further away from its origin. The discussion of fundamentalism today is more associated with a negative impression that Islam is a religion of violence, anti-progress and establishment, conservative, antiWestern, and always takes violence to achieve its goals. This labeling and stigmatization of course has greatly marginalized Islam in international relations. This kind of stigmatization can be understood by Muslims so that they also hold counters in various ways, including counter discourse. However, the efforts made by Muslims have not been able to change the world view of Islam, especially the Western world. Islam to this day is still perceived as a violent religion. امللخص: كام يتم التعبري عنها يف كثري من األحيان يف شكل اتهامات ، بأن األصولية اإلسالمية مصدر للرصاع ويجب إنهاؤها عىل الفور. ويجب أن تعزز حركة الراديكالية الفهم الكامل ملختلف األديان. وباملثل يف كل حركة ، يجب إبعاد املحتوى السيايس واالقتصادي عن التنوع ، ألن هذا عامل يثري الرصاع باسم الدين. إن العمل الوحيش ملجموعة من األشخاص الذين يشعرون باألمان ويشعرون بالصالح من خالل إظهار الوجه األكرث رشاً وخوفاً لإلسالم بعيد كل البعد عن القيم اإلسالمية. اإلسالم هو رحمة لألمني ، وخاصة تجاه إخوانهم املسلمني الذين يؤمنون بحقيقة اإلسالم عىل أساس القرآن والسنة باعتبارها املصدر الرئييس واألول للتعاليم اإلسالمية. إذا تم طرح هذا ، فلن تتكرر النزاعات التي حدثت. يف التطورات الالحقة ، شهدت األصولية تغيريات وتحوالت وأبعدت عن أصلها. إن مناقشة األصولية يف الوقت الحايل مرتبطة أكرث باإلسالم بانطباع سلبي بأن اإلسالم دين عنيف ومعاد للتقدم ومؤسس ومحافظ ومعاد للغرب ويتخذ العنف دامئًا لتحقيق أهدافه. وبالطبع فإن هذا ً التوسيم والوصم يهمش اإلسالم حقا يف العالقات الدولية. ميكن للمسلمني أن يفهموا ويفهموا هذا النوع من الوصم حتى يتصدوا لها بطرق مختلفة ، مبا يف ذلك الخطاب املضاد. إال أن الجهود التي يبذلها املسلمون مل تكن قادرة عىل تغيري نظرة العامل اإلسالمي ، وخاصة ُنظر إىل اإلسالم عىل أنه دين عنف. العامل الغريب. حتى اآلن ، ال يزال يAbstrak: Seperti yang sering diungkapkan dalam bentuk tudingan, bahwa fundamentalisme Islam merupakan sumber konflik sehingga harus segera diakhiri. Dan gerakan radikalisme harus mengedepankan pemahaman yang utuh tentang beragam agama. Begitu pula dalam setiap gerakan, muatan politik dan ekonomi perlu dijauhkan dari keberagaman, karena inilah faktor yang memicu terjadinya konflik yang mengatasnamakan agama. Tindakan brutal sekelompok orang yang merasa paling aman dan merasa paling benar dengan menampilkan wajah Islam yang paling seram dan menakutkan, sungguh jauh dari nilai-nilai Islam. Islam adalah rahmatan lil 'alamin, terutama terhadap sesama umat Islam yang meyakini kebenaran Islam berdasarkan Alquran dan Sunnah sebagai sumber utama dan pertama ajaran Islam. Jika ini dikedepankan maka konflik yang telah terjadi tidak akan terulang kembali. Dalam perkembangan selanjutnya, fundamentalisme mengalami perubahan, pergeseran, dan semakin jauh dari asalnya. Pembahasan fundamentalisme saat ini lebih banyak dikaitkan dengan Islam dengan kesan negatif bahwa Islam adalah agama yang kekerasan, anti kemajuan dan kemapanan, konservatif, anti Barat, dan selalu mengambil kekerasan untuk mencapai tujuannya. Pelabelan dan stigmatisasi ini tentu saja sangat memarjinalkan Islam dalam hubungan internasional. Stigmatisasi semacam ini dapat dipahami dan dipahami oleh umat Islam sehingga mereka pun mengadakan tandingan dengan berbagai cara, termasuk tandingan wacana. Namun upaya yang dilakukan oleh umat Islam belum mampu mengubah pandangan dunia Islam, khususnya dunia Barat. Islam hingga saat ini masih dipersepsikan sebagai agama kekerasan.

This article examines Islamic fundamentalism through a historical perspective on globalization offered by Roland Robertson, the theory of Islamic fundamentalism and its relation to the involvement of youth in Indonesia. In theory, Islamic fundamentalism is divided into two classifications. First is the "continuity and change", the development of fundamentalism in Islam is both continuity and change in Islamic history. The second theory is the "challenges and opportunities". The basic assumption of this theory is that the crisis in the modern Muslim world, accumulation social, political, and cultural are consider the main factors influence Islamic fundamentalism. Advanced technology in communications, information, and the country's transportation networks around the world; variety of shows, events, and the phenomenon will spread rapidly from one country to another. ; Artikel ini mengkaji fundamentalisme Islam melalui perspektif historis pada globalisasi yang ditawarkan oleh Roland Robertson, teori tentang fundamentalisme Islam dan hubungannya dengan keterlibatan pemuda di Indonesia. Secara teori fundamentalisme Islam dibagi menajdi dua: Pertama adalah "kesinambungan dan perubahanâ€, perkembangan fundamentalisme dalam Islam adalah baik kontinuitas dan juga perubahan dalam sejarah Islam. Teori kedua adalah "tantangan dan kesempatanâ€. Asumsi dasar dari teori ini adalah bahwa krisis di negara muslim modern sosial, politik, dan budaya memperkuat gerakan fundamentalisme Islam. Maju teknologi dalam komunikasi, informasi, dan jaringan transportasi negara di seluruh dunia; berbagai acara, kejadian, dan fenomena akan menyebar dengan cepat dari satu negara ke negara lain.

Islamic fundamentalism, which is often associated with terrorism, is considered one of the challenges to international security. Developments in the 1970s have made it clear that religion still plays an important role in international relations, and that it influences global and regional political processes in various ways around the world. The conference paper will analyze the interrelatedness of Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism. The paper focuses on well-known forms of Islamic fundamentalism based on the Hanbali school in Sunni Islam, such as Wahhabism and Salafism. Within the topic, I will be discussing the early and modern understanding of jihad. Also, in the paper, I will elaborate on the alliance between the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and the Ba'athists. In the concluding part of the conference paper, I will be summarizing the threats and challenges posed by Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism that threaten world peace and security.

Abstract Religious fundamentalism is understood as an answer of the socialist group and the political elite of the religious in a religious group. So religious fundamentalism is always evolving in the modern era. As a study-based literature, this study will highlight the historical roots of religious fundamentalism in the era of the classical, pre-modern, and contemporary implications in the discovery model the thinking of fundamentalism religious in the contemporary era. The findings in this study show that fundamentalism has a few basic principles. Principles basic principles: the first is oppositional (understand resistance), the second the rejection of hermeneutics, the third rejection of pluralism and relativism, and the fourth is the rejection of the historical development and sociological. By using basic principles such then the movement of the Kharijites, the Wahabi movement in the Arabian peninsula, the movement of Shaykh Uthman and Fodio in Northern Nigeria, the movement Padri in Minangkabau and Al-Ikhwan al-Muslim in Egypt can be categorized in the movement of Islamic fundamentalism. Keywords: Islamic Fundamentalism, classical, pre-modern, contemporary. Abstrak Fundamentalisme agama difahami sebagai sebuah jawaban dari kelompok sosialis dan elit politik keagamaan dalam sebuah kelompok agama. Sehingga fundamentalisme agama ini selalu berkembang dalam era modern saat ini. Sebagai kajian berbasis pustaka, kajian ini akan menyorot akar sejarah fundamentalisme agama pada era klasik, pra-modern, dan kontemporer yang berimplikasi pada penemuan model pemikiran fundamentalisme keagamaan pada era kontemporer. Temuan dalam kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa fundamentalisme memiliki beberapa prinsip dasar. Prinsip-prinsip dasar tersebut: pertama adalah oppositionalism (paham perlawanan), kedua penolakan terhadap hermeneutika, ketiga penolakan terhadap pluralisme dan relativisme, dan keempat adalah penolakan terhadap perkembangan historis dan sosiologis. Dengan menggunakan prinsip-prinsip dasar tersebut maka gerakan kaum Khawarij, gerakan Wahabi di semenanjung Arabia, gerakan Syaikh Usman dan Fodio di Nigeria Utara, gerakan Padri di Minangkabau dan Al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun di Mesir dapat dikategorikan dalam gerakan fundamentalisme Islam. Kata Kunci : Fundamentalisme Islam, klasik, pra-modern, kontemporer.

The way in which Western scholars understand the nature of religion and the relationship of religion to politics and society greatly determine their expectations and judgements.

This article proposed the term moderate fundamentalism, as a tool in understanding the defining characteristic of the PKS. In short, the term refers to fundamentalism in a moderate perspective, enabling moderate fundamentalists to be involved in political activities adaptively and without resorting to the use of radical means. Using this term, I argue that the PKS is a part of the fundamentalist faction, differentiating it in principle from other modernist groups or parties in Indonesia. Its moderate nature, however, also differentiates it from the radical camps within the fundamentalist faction. The use of the term moderate fundamentalism allows for the observation of diversity within the fundamentalist faction and contributes to new insights into present-day Indonesian Islamic political parties.DOI:10.15408/sdi.v14i3.546

Abstract: This article is written to explain the dynamics of contemporary Islamic thought and the role of Islamic education as one of its supports. The dynamics of Islamic thought are diverse but have the same character that is opposite thoughts and thoughts that seek common ground. The opposite thoughts depicting here are Islamic fundamentalism and liberalism. Then the thought that seeks common ground here is called hybrid thought. This article is a literature review by utilizing the findings in the previous study formulated into new findings that have not been discussed in the previous study. This paper concludes that the dynamic of contemporary Islamic thought with its character grows not from the role of Islamic education. Although it cannot be denied that the role of Islamic education in this case is not the only one, because there are other factors such as historical, political, technological, globalization, modernization, social and cultural contexts. Fundamental Islamic thought can be sustained and developed by an ideological-purist Islamic education model (manhaj salafi). Likewise, the form of liberal thinking and development by an academic-scientifically oriented, rational and secular model of education. Hybrid forms of thought that are supported by a moderate-inclusive education model that develop textual-contextual methods, balance nasal sources, reason and intuitive, accommodate old and modern traditions that are still relevant and do not conflict with religious values.الملخص: هذه المقالة تقصد لشرح ديناميات الفكرة الاسلامية المعاصرة و دور التعليم الاسلام الذي أصبح في عداد من دماعته . أن ديناميات الفكرة الاسلامية مختلفة ولكن لديها صبغة يعنى الفكرالذي ينعكس بعضها بعضا، والفكر الذي يسعى النتيجة . والفكر المنعكس الذى شرح هنا هي الأصولية والليبرالية الاسلام . ثم الفكرالذي يبتغي النتائج هنا يسمى بفكر الهجين . هذا المقال يقولب مراجعة الادبيات التى تستخدم النتائج في دراسة السابق ثم وضعت ليكون المكتشف الجديد الذي لم يبحث في دراسة السابق . هذه الكتابة تجمل أن ديناميات الفكرة الاسلامية المعاصرة مع طبيعتها نشأت لا تتخلع من دور التعليم الاسلام . وعلى الرغم ، لاشك أن دور التعليم الاسلام ليست وحدة في هذه الحالة ، لأن هناك عوامل أخرى مثل العوامل التاريخ ، والسياسية ، والتكنولوجي ، والعولمة ، والتحديثة ، وسياق الاجتماعية والثقافية . الفكرة الاسلامية الاصولية مستمرة و يبنى أو يولد عن شكل التعليم الاسلام العقائدي (المنهج السلفي) . لذلك أيضا شكل من الفكر الليبرالي مستمرة و يولد عن شكل التعليم المنحى في الدرسي العمي ، عقلي ، و زمني . و شكل الفكر الهجين مستمرة عن شكل التعليم الوسطي ضمنا الذي تطورأساليب النصية والسياقية , يتوازن مصدر النص حيلة وبديهية ، تكيف التقليد القديم والحديث كان وثيق و لا يتعارض عن قيمة الدين .Abstrak: Artikel ini bermaksud untuk menjelaskan dinamika pemikiran Islam kontemporer dan peran pendidikan Islam yang menjadi salah satu penopangnya. Dinamika pemikiran Islam itu beragam namun memiliki karakter yang sama yaitu pemikiran yang saling berlawanan dan pemikiran yang mencari titik temu. Pemikiran yang saling berlawanan yang dijelaskan di sini adalah fundamentalismedan liberalisme Islam. Kemudian pemikiran yang mencari titik temu di sinidisebut dengan pemikiran hybrid. Artikel ini merupakan kajian pustaka dengan memanfaatkan temuan-temuan dalam kajian terdahulu lalu dirumuskan menjadi temuan baru yang belum dibahas pada kajian sebelumya.Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa dinamika pemikiran Islam kontemporer dengan karakternya tumbuh berkembang tidak terlepas dari peran pendidikan Islam. Meskipun tidak dipungkiri bahwa peran pendidikan Islam dalam hal ini bukan satu-satunya, karena masih ada faktor lainnya seperti faktor sejarah, politik, teknologi, globalisasi, modernisasi, konteks sosial dan budaya. Pemikiran Islam fundamental dapat ditopang dan dilahirkan oleh model pendidikan Islam idiologis-puris (manhaj salafi). Begitu pula bentuk pemikiran liberal ditopang dan dilahirkan oleh model pendidikan yang berorientasi akademik-ilmiah, rasional dan sekuler. Bentuk pemikiran hybridditopang oleh model pendidikan moderat-inklusif yang mengembangkan metode tekstual-kontekstual, menyeimbangkan sumber nas}, akal dan intuitif, mengakomodasi tradisi lama dan modern yang masih relevan dan tidak bertentangan dengan nilai agama.

Indonesia is a diverse country, if not one of the most diverse ones in the world. Due to its geographical fact as the largest archipelago in the world, Indonesia's territory has been inhabited by not less than 1340 different tribes who speak more than 600 local/traditional languages since ancient times. It is also the territory where there were some prominent Hindu-Buddhist ancient kingdoms, such as Srivijaya and Majapahit, in which their existence determined the civilization existing in South East Asia today. Once Islam came into this archipelago, it then quickly became the dominant religion, and this then makes Indonesia the biggest Muslim country in the world without changing its status as a place for people from various religions to live and co-exist with each other. Those all shape the existence of Indonesia today. The world's biggest Muslim country with its inherent diversities that have been existing since long before the establishment of this country. However, such a fact of diversities, especially in the matter of religious life, has been under threat. There have been many cases where the religious minority groups encountered marginalization, discrimination, or even persecutions, in which it happened in the relationship with the Muslims as the dominant religious group. Resistances against the establishments of churches or other worship places of the non-Muslims that is more and more frequent happening in various places in Indonesia, or resistance against non-Muslims to be the governmental leaders, such as what happened during the moment of the provincial election in Jakarta in 2017, are examples of how some Muslims in Indonesia are getting intolerant towards their fellow citizens from different religions. Even worse, such an emerging tendency of intolerance didn't only happen towards non-Muslims, but also towards the minority groups within the Muslims too. The persecution against the members of the Ahmadiyya sect in the village of Cikeusik, province of Banten, in 2011, as well as the one against the Shiites in the town of Sampang, province of East Java, in 2012, which resulted in the deaths of some Ahmadiyya members and the displacement of the whole Shiite community in Sampang, obviously highlighted the condition of how such diseases of intolerance and hatred have been significantly growing among some Muslims in Indonesia towards those who differ. Surely, the problem is not with Islam per se, but instead with how Islam is interpreted, practiced, and used by some people in Indonesia. As such, I argue that this problem derives from the so-called Islamic fundamentalism. It is from this context, the research through this Ph.D. thesis is carried out. Through this research, I investigated how Islamic fundamentalism has been developing in Indonesia since the beginning through historical analysis (Chapter III). From such an investigation, I then investigated and analyzed further the existing legal frameworks in Indonesia regarding how these all have failed in properly dealing with the paradigm of Islamic fundamentalism (Chapter V). Surely, all those works are done after I conducted the necessary elaboration and clarification regarding the concept of Islamic fundamentalism (Chapter II). And since pluralism is the core value embraced in this research that needs to be protected from the threat of Islamic fundamentalism, I also made theoretical elaborations on some principles and approaches under the umbrella of the politics of recognition of difference to protect and advance diversities (Chapter IV). I close this Ph.D. thesis with a chapter (Chapter VI) where I proposed what I argue as the best legal framework possible to combat Islamic fundamentalism as well as to advance diversities in Indonesia as a Muslim majority country. There, I argued that some key principles developed in the Western world are indeed necessary to serve as the fundamental basis for such a legal framework.

The article discusses the political significance of Islamic fundamentalism in the context of the crisis of the modern globalized society in which elements of premodern, modern and postmodern societies coexist. Therefore, it is proved in the article, a widely used approach to the explanation of Islamic fundamentalism from the standpoint of the modern science needs to be supplemented by an approach based on postmodern concepts. In the Western society, there is the process of formation of a new post-secular sociality (transition from modern to unfinished postmodern), but most (non-Western) part of humanity has no direct relation to these processes. The population of these non-Western societies, as well as some social strata of the West, seeing the challenges of contemporaneity as a threat to their existence, seek refuge in conservatism and traditionalism. One expression of this rejection is the Islamic fundamentalism. ; Статья посвящена рассмотрению политического значения исламского фундаментализма в контексте кризиса современного глобализирующегося общества, в котором сосуществуют элементы обществ премодерна, модерна и постмодерна. Поэтому, доказывается в статье, широко применяемый подход к объяснению исламского фундаментализма с позиций науки эпохи модерна нуждается в дополнении подходом на основе постмодернистских концепций. В западном обществе продолжается процесс формирования новой постсекулярной социальности (переход от незавершенного модерна к постмодерну), однако большая (незападная) часть человечества не имеет прямого отношения к этим процессам. Население этих незападных обществ, а также некоторые социальные слои Запада, воспринимая вызовы современности как угрозу своему существованию, ищут спасения в консерватизме и традиционализме. Одним из выражений этого неприятия современности является исламский фундаментализм.