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Andalusian civilization was formed by a combination of complex societies consisting of Arabs, Berbers, Goths, Israelis, Africans, and Salsabes. Logically it is difficult for multi-ethnic communities to coexist peacefully. This social mosaic is a challenge when Islam entered Andalusia. That is because Islam was born in the Arabian Peninsula which has a different culture from Andalusia. Based on the problem of how the influence of Islamic and Muslim tolerance on freedom of religion, culture and thought in Andalusia and through literature study with a historical approach; data collection (heuristic), verification, interpretation and historiography, the authors get the conclusion that cultural assimilation has interacted with tolerance as an influence of Islamic teachings. The influence is not only limited to the development of teachings, but the life of the Andalusian people. For example the birth of the Moor and Mozarabic groups, the development of linguistics and politics. Another indication is the attitude of the Andalusian community and especially Muslims who tolerate religious schools, sects that are different from Islam. Andalusian people lived side by side peacefully for centuries. Educated Jewish and Christian communities are satisfied with their situation under Islamic hegemony and its laws.

Alevilik is the second largest religious movement in Turkey after Sunnite Islam. The Alevi worship Ali and the twelve Imams of his family. Ali is more or less deified and therefore Alevis are considered as being ghulat ('exaggerated', 'extremist') and heterodox. The elevated Ali personifies an aspiration to justice and righteousness. He fought on the side of the weak and oppressed against those with power in society. Theologically, Ali is assumed to be blessed by the divine light and is therefore able to see into the mysterious spirituality of Islam. Many Alevis today however totally dissociate themselves from Shi'ism. Still, the degrading­ abel kızılbaş ('red-head') is associated with Ali and thus is something alleged to be anti-Osman, since Isma'il fought against the Osman Empire. The colour red represents the blood of Mohammed: he was wounded in battle and Ali saw the prophet's blood flowing. As Ali grew older, he wanted to remind people of Mohammed's struggle and therefore started wearing red headgear. Red thus became the colour of the Shi'ites and over time a symbol of Shi'ite martyrdom. Later red also gained political significance for the Alevis. The religious and the political are closely intertwined, but despite this, neither the Left nor Shi'ism does simply stand on one side and the Right/Sunni on the other – there are no such simple dichotomies in reality.

The Republic of Indonesia does not follow the pure concept of nation state as the national ideology of Pancasila recognizes the role of religion in the national political system. Based on this conception, the government has facilitated the establishment of the ministry of religious affairs which often breaks the principle of religion freedom. In the case of Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah, MUI, established under the auspice of the ministry of religions, has accused the Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah of having done the act of blasphemy. Actually, this will not become a problem if the state consistently applies the separations of power between public and private affairs. In this regard, religious communities take in a role of civil society which would provide checks and balances to the government in the pursuance of democracy. In line with this, the ministry of religious affairs, by means of MUI, should not judge people based on their beliefs. Al-Qur'an also recognizes the existence of different religions as well as some sects within a certain religion. Moreover, it is useful to implement Richard Niebuhr's theory of denomination. Last but not least, MUI should act following the concept of nation state in order to moderate power which tends to corrupt. ; Republik Indonesia didirikan berdasarkan dasar negara Pancasila. Sejalan dengan itu, negara memfasilitasi pendirian kementerian agama, yaitu sebuah institusi yang sering melanggar pinsip kebebasan beragama. Sebagai contoh, MUI, yang didirikan di bawah naungan kementerian agama, menuduh Ahmadiyah, salah satu aliran dalam Islam, telah melakukan penistaan agama. Sebenarnya, model negara Pancasila tidak bermasalah bila negara secara konsisten menerapkan pemisahan kekuasaan antara urusan publik dan urusan privat. Dalam hal ini organisasi-organisasi keagamaan, seperti Ahmadiyah dan MUI, memainkan peran sebagai unsur civil society, dalam arti menjadi penyeimbang bagi negara, demi terciptanya masyarakat yang demokratis. Oleh karena itu, MUI, tidak menilai orang berdasarkan keyakinannya, karena. al-Qur'an mengakui keberadaan beberapa agama dan aliran-alirannya. MUI perlu menilainya berdasarkan teori denominasi karya Richard Niebuhr. MUI juga perlu memposisikan diri sebagai bagian dari civil society, mengkritisi penguasa yang cenderung menyalahgunakan kekuasaan.

AbstrakBuku merupakan jendela ilmu pengetahuan yang di dalamnya terkandung representasi beragam ideologi. Buku dengan konten Islami menjadi salah satu jenis buku yang mendominasi ruang baca di Indonesia. Buku berkonten Islami menjadi jembatan untuk mengkomunikasikan beragam ideologi, aliran, purifikasi agama, sosial, politik, ekonomi dalam pandangan Islam. Buku-buku tersebut membawa pengaruh yang signifikan dalam kehidupan masyarakat. Penelitian ini akan menguraikan perkembangan penerbitan buku Islami dimulai dari era 70 an, 80 an, dan masa reformasi sampai sekarang. Data diperoleh dari studi dokumen dalam bentuk artikel, buku, dan pemberitaan di media massa. Hal lain yang menarik adalah munculnya kekuatan aktor, fenomena buku terjemahan gratis yang disponsori beberapa negara dan kaitan antara industri buku yang berafiliasi dengan ideologi keagamaan tertentu. Menggunakan kerangka kritik industri budaya dari Theodore Adorno, data penelitian ditelaah dan dibahas. Kritik Adorno tentang industri budaya dalam industri penerbitan buku Islami di Indonesia mendapatkan kesesuainya. Meskipun demikian dalam tekanan industri budaya masih muncul karya-karya bermutu yang menjadi pembatal dari asumsi-asumsi kritik Adorno.Kata kunci : komunikasi, Islam, buku, konten, industri budaya AbstractBooks are windows of knowledge in which there are representations of various ideologies. Books with Islamic content are one of the types of books that dominate reading rooms in Indonesia. Books with Islamic content become a bridge to communicate various ideologies, sects, religious purification, social, political, economic views of Islam. These books have had a significant impact on people's lives. This research will describe the development of Islamic book publishing starting from the era of the 70s, 80s, and the reformation period until now. Data were obtained from document studies in the form of articles, books, and reports in the mass media. Another interesting thing is the emergence of the power of actors, the phenomenon of free ...

This study is a documentation and analysis of change in ritual in the village of Sarilar, on the west bank of the Euphrates River near Yavuseli, Gaziantep. The research problem posed was identification of ritual change within the consultants' memory and some tentative ways of situating such change within the socio-economic context. The mysticism of the dervish lodge remains as a certain life attitude along with the new views of modernization that have been so well inculcated. Although modernization, at least in the Turkish Alevi context, tends to conflict with the mystical experience of the Bektashi dervish in some areas, a democratized inner core remains.

This work examines the role of political conflicts between Muslims in the Early Islamic Era and their influence in the rise of sects and their theological doctrines. The researcher notes the presence of religious controversy in political conflicts and the development of relevant events, This has its direct and indirect reflections on the Muslims life and the management of their crises, religiously, in tellectually and politically up to the present day. The researcher states the importance of the subject, the objectives and methods if the problem and how to handle it. Then the paper discusses the following: First, the party political conflicts, like the Kharajites, the Shiites and the Murjites, Second, discussing Fatalism, Predetermination and the Mutazilites as a case of political employment of religion in the frame of action and reaction between the conflicting parties; and Third, the impact of political conflicts in formulating political vision doctrinally and using it as a religious authority to direct political events and to manage crises. The paper concludes that political conflicts in the Early Islamic Era had an important role in the rise of the sects and the development of their doctrines which used sharia texts to serve their political goals in facing their enemies. This came along with a variety of political attraction and text interpretation in justifying and directing events.

AbstractReligious harmony considers good for the development of any sovereign country, in which different schools of thoughts/sects play a vital role in society. Some namely scholars in different religious sects of Islam such as Sunni (Wahhabi, Deobandi, Ahl-e-Hadith and Baralvi) Shia are involving in supporting of sectarianism violence and also destroying the peaceful image of the country from last three decades. Sectarianism conflict is a big hindrance for the development of religious affairs and economy of the country. This study will highlight the role of religious sects and effects on the natives of the country. How sectarianisms destroyed the peaceful image of Pakistan in the world under the shadows of Islam. This cross sectional study of Three month duration which conducted from the present and pass out students of modern educational institutions and religious Madrassa from Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhawa, Sindh, Baluchistan and Azad Jammu & Kashmir. For better results of the study, 400 respondents (male and female) selected and analyzed data. As per survey results and primary findings, sectarianism is a bad curse which destroyed the gross-roots of the natives of country religiously, economically and politically for last many years.AbstrakKerukunan umat beragama dianggap baik bagi perkembangan negara berdaulat, berbagai aliran pemikiran/sekte berperan penting dalam kehidupan masyarakat. Sehingga ada beberapa cendikiawan yang berbeda seperti Sunni (Wahhabi, Deobandi, Ahl-e-Hadits dan Baralvi) Syiah terlibat dalam mendukung kekerasan sektarianisme yang menghancurkan citra damai negara dari tiga dekade terakhir. Konflik sektarianisme adalah penghalang besar bagi perkembangan urusan agama dan ekonomi negara. Studi ini akan menyoroti peran sekte dan efek agama pada penduduk asli negara itu. Bagaimana sektarianisme menghancurkan citra damai Pakistan di dunia di bawah bayang-bayang Islam. Studi cross sectional ini berdurasi tiga bulan yang dilakukan dari sekarang dan lulus siswa dari lembaga pendidikan modern dan madrasah agama dari Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhawa, Sindh, Baluchistan dan Azad Jammu & Kashmir. Untuk hasil penelitian yang lebih baik, 400 responden (pria dan wanita) memilih dan menganalisis data. Sesuai hasil survei dan temuan utama, sektarianisme adalah kutukan buruk yang menghancurkan akar-akar kasar penduduk asli negara secara agama, ekonomi dan politik selama beberapa tahun terakhir.How to Cite: Hamza, M., Shams, S. (2019). Religious Sectarianism Destroying the Peaceful Image of Islamic Country: A Case Study of Pakistan. TARBIYA: Journal of Education in Muslim Society, 6(2), 220-232. doi:10.15408/tjems.v6i2.14961.

The utilization of human stem cells emerged recently in the Muslim world as one of the essential valuable areas of medicine for their vital role in developing regenerative medicine and treating chronic and incurable diseases. Existing studies indicate that most human stem cell researchers rely on varying schools of thought in Islamic law or on an individual base to define legitimate practices. From a policy perspective, the different Islamic religious decrees do not constitute a unified legal framework to promote essential international collaborations. The existing literature exhibits a limitation in comprehensive studies on human stem cell research (HSCR) in the newly joined countries of the Muslim world regarding HSCR policy variation. This comparative research provides for the first time cross-country comparisons of the top HSCR Muslim countries pertaining to their religious sect and affiliation and HSCR national policies. A second research contribution is in surveying the legal position of the Muslim countries on legal clinical abortion to learn about its related-legal framework and inform policy consistency on HSCR. The case-based study of the influence of the religious background of the top Muslim countries on the legal position of HSCR components shows that HSCR is permissible in Islam and is independent of the sect or affiliation as a barrier to a permissive policy. However, the case-based study of abortion laws and the legal position from HSCR components show that the "restrictive" policies in the Muslim countries prohibiting embryonic stem cell research are inconsistent with Islamic abortion laws and embryo's graduality view that rely on the same subject matter, the embryo's moral status. These findings emphasize that the variation in HSCR policies is not embedded in the Islamic theological or philosophical reasoning but in other socio-cultural, economic, or political issues. Revisions of restrictive policies and the constructive debates among Muslim countries on the existing Islamic policy models are ...

Humanities: 3rd Place (The Ohio State University Denman Undergraduate Research Forum) ; On July 19, 2012, head mufti Ildus Faizov was nearly assassinated and his deputy Valiulla Yakupov was murdered by a radical Islamic sect in the city of Kazan in Tatarstan, Russia. This unprecedented terrorist attack was motivated by the extremists' outrage for their leaders' moderate prescriptions on Islamic fundamentalism. Such deadly intra-communal violence triggered a strong military response from the Russian government. In line with Putin-era security policies, the Federal Security Service (FSB) continues to actively pursue extremists in the conflicts of the North Caucasus. However, initial inquiries suggest the dissatisfaction of ethnic minorities with federal mandates extends beyond this war-torn area. Through news source analysis, this study examines the growing trend of nationalist fervor and Islamic radicalization in the republics of Tatarstan and neighboring Bashkortostan. The field research is currently on going, and conclusions will be presented in preliminary form. The results of this project will provide important knowledge pertaining to political violence in a region not heavily studied in current academic circles. ; Academic Major: International Studies

While many Muslim sects are in agreement of the necessity of the Islamic Caliphate or Khilafah, modelled upon the ideal caliphate of the Prophet and the four rightly-guided caliphs, its necessity is sometimes completely denied. A very controversial view is that advanced by the Egyptian, Ali Abd. al-Raziq (1888-1966) in his treatise al-Islam wa Usul al-Hukm (Islam and the Principles of Government) published in 1925. This paper reviews the argument forwarded by Ali Abd. al-Raziq on the necessity of the Islamic Caliphate using a secondary data analysis and published materials written by scholars on this issue. It is found that the nature and some fundamental principles of the khilafah arose very early in Islam and has continued to provoke discussion into the modern world. Amongst Ali Abd. al-Raziq's views were the claim that caliphate has no basis, whether in the Qur'an, the traditions or the consensus (ijmac) and the assertion of separation between religion and political power. His view, which remarks violent controversy in the modern Muslim world, is discussed throughout this paper. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s2p137

Despite the small number of its faithful, the Ahmadiyya faith stands out for the public presence and political support that it achieves in the West, this is due to some of its characteristics - such as the defense of religious freedom or the firm condemnation of terrorism - that make from this Islamic sect a dreamed Islam; This article investigates its origins and message, to know to what extent this Islam dreamed in reality is. ; A pesar del escaso número de sus fieles, la fe ahmadía destaca por la presencia pública y apoyo político que logra en Occidente, ello se debe a algunas de sus características -como la defensa de la libertad religiosa o la firme condena del terrorismo- que hacen de esta secta islámica un islam soñado;este artículo investiga sus orígenes y mensaje, para saber hasta qué punto este islam soñadoen realidad lo es.

The increasing dimension and scope that the Boko-Haram crises has assumed since its emergence in 2009 has necessitated a more critical look at the challenge facing the nation state – Nigeria and indeed the globe. The paper which adopts the desk research argues that even though Nigeria has been faced with series of security challenges before now, the activities of Boko-Haram pose a major and fundamental challenge to her existence and global security. The activities have led to the destruction of lives and properties, and even threatening the corporate existence of the country, and have made Northern Nigeria environment not only unconducive for investment from within and outside the country, but has also seriously disrupted social life. Against the backdrop of the monumental effects of the Boko-Haram activities, we have recommended among other measures the collaboration of the Nigerian government with the US and other European partners on tackling the menace of the sect; the creation of the Rapid Response Force (RRF) that is well trained, well equipped and highly mobile to deal with these kinds of situations where they may arise in the future and a strong and enhanced predictive intelligence gathering capacity by the nation security forces. DOI:10.5901/jesr.2014.v4n1p503

Since the twentieth century, intensifying global transformations have led to the spread of religious extremism and jihadist movements. In the United States, there was the Al-Qaeda terrorist attack on the World Trade Centre on September 11, 2001and similar attacks in Britain, Spain and other parts of Europe within the same period. Since 2011, sectarian clashes have lingered in northern Lebanon following the arrest of a Lebanese Islamist linked to the Syrian uprising. In Africa, the Boko Haram Islamic sect with known religious preferences and belief system has occasioned national security crisis in Nigeria. In Mali, the Tuareg fighters with support from Al-Qaeda have stoked a simmering rebellion in the country. All this has created global security challenges which threaten the security of nation-states and their citizens. This paper seeks to establish the nexus between globalization and the spread of religious extremism and how it poses a threat to global security.

The situation of the Bosniak minority in Sandzak – challenges and problemsAccording to the Population Census 2002, Bosniaks (as Bosnian Muslims have usually been called since 1993), constitute the second largest ethnic minority group in Serbia (136,000 people). They mostly inhabit the south-western end of the country, unofficially named Sandzak. The article focuses on the basic problems relating to how the Bosniak minority is functioning in this area. First of all, these issues include strong political and religious divisions (often sustained, and even inspired, by the central authorities), as well as, the dangers, as yet infrequent, resulting from the activity of organizations representing radical Islamic sects (the so-called Wahabis). An important part of the article is devoted to the issue of the lack of respect for the legally guaranteed cultural rights of the Bosniaks and the politicizing of problems under consideration, both by local elites, and by the central authorities. The author also briefly discusses the origin of the ethnonym Bosniak and the arguments concerning the name of the region inhabited by this minority.

From the 1980 Maitatsine uprising to the 2009 Boko Haram uprising, Nigeria was bedevilled by ethno-religious conflicts with devastating human and material losses. But the Boko Haram uprising of July 2009 was significant in that it not only set a precedent, but also reinforced the attempts by Islamic conservative elements at imposing a variant of Islamic religious ideology on a secular state. Whereas the religious sensitivity of Nigerians provided fertile ground for the breeding of the Boko Haram sect, the sect's blossoming was also aided by the prevailing economic dislocation in Nigerian society, the advent of party politics (and the associated desperation of politicians for political power), and the ambivalence of some vocal Islamic leaders, who, though they did not actively embark on insurrection, either did nothing to stop it from fomenting, or only feebly condemned it. These internal factors coupled with growing Islamic fundamentalism around the world make a highly volatile Nigerian society prone to violence, as evidenced by the Boko Haram uprising. Given the approach of the Nigerian state to religious conflict, this violence may remain a recurring problem. This paper documents and analyses the Boko Haram uprising, as well as its links with the promotion of Islamic revivalism and the challenges it poses to the secularity of the Nigerian state. ; Vom Maitatsine-Aufstand 1980 bis zu den Boko-Haram-Unruhen 2009 hat die nigerianische Bevölkerung unter den verheerenden menschlichen und materiellen Kosten ethnisch-religiöser Konflikte gelitten. Die Boko-Haram-Unruhen (Juli 2009) markierten allerdings eine qualitative Veränderung, denn sie stellten einen Präzedenzfall dar und verstärkten Versuche konservativer Anhänger des Islam, im säkularen nigerianischen Staat Elemente islamischer Ideologie einzuführen. Angesichts der Empfänglichkeit der Nigerianer für religiöses Denken konnte sich die Boko-Haram-Sekte schnell ausbreiten, erleichtert durch die nach wie vor bestehende ökonomische Polarisierung der nigerianischen Gesellschaft, die erneut heftig aufgebrochene Konkurrenz der Parteien um die politische Macht und die Ambivalenz einiger lautstarker islamischer Führer, die zwar nicht explizit zum Aufstand aufriefen, aber auch nichts zur Beendigung der Hetze beitrugen und diese nur vorsichtig verurteilten. Diese internen Faktoren und der gleichzeitige weltweite Aufschwung des islamischen Fundamentalismus führten in der hoch volatilen nigerianischen Gesellschaft zu den gewaltsam ausgetragenen Boko-Haram-Unruhen. Die im nigerianischen Staat strukturell angelegte Gefahr religiöser Auseinandersetzungen legt nahe, dass solche Gewaltausbrüche ein immer wiederkehrendes Problem bleiben könnten. Der vorliegende Beitrag dokumentiert und analysiert die Boko-Haram-Unruhen und skizziert ihre Bedeutung für die Wiederbelebung des politischen Islam und die damit verbundenen Herausforderungen für den säkularen nigerianischen Staat.