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This research tackles the issue of interior interpretation and attempts to show its influence on doctrinal sects in the Islamic world. The research shows the sources of interior interpretation (Greek, Jewish and Christian sources) and the way it sneaked into doctrinal sects in the Islamic world (Ibn Saba', fanatic Sufi and Khawarij). Examples of interior interpretation from some sects (Isma'iliyyah and Nusayriyyah) are presented. The danger of these interpretations is highlighted by showing that the interior way employed to from inside destroy the Islamic doctrine and legislation. Finally, the Islamic attitude from interior interpretation is given.

This paper describes the fundamental teachings of the Prophet Muhammad, the development of religious knowledge, and the social and political context that shaped the intellectual tradition of Islam. Abdullah Saeed, in the transmission of spiritual experience and Islamic thought, introduced the basic teachings of Islam. The emergence of Islam is closely related to the history of its birthplace, the city of Mecca. Besides, Abdullah Saeed also discussed the beginning of the development of religious knowledge, which was immediately explained by the Qur'an and the emergence of sects that influenced the course of change towards truth. Each of these sects and sects has its doctrine, and if there is anything against it, there is undoubtedly a separate assessment of the differences that are believed. Several groups with various theological or religio-political orientations emerged. Among them are Kharijis (khawarij), Shia, Qadaris (qadariyya), Mu'tazilis (mu'tazila), Jabris (jabriyya) and Murji'is (murji'a).

Muslim communities in Lebanon have developed radically new institutions of religious leadership since the advent of the confessional state. These leaderships were created or refined over the course of Lebanon's first five decades (1920s–1970s), often building on pre-existing institutional norms but shaped by common patterns of integration into a state-centric system of confessional representation. Such institutions have played a key role in representing and reinforcing the sectarianisation of Islam in the country. On the other hand, their proximity to the state has made them prominent advocates of peaceful coexistence and political participation. This paper shows (1) how three Islamic religious leaderships have become institutional expressions of a distinctive Lebanese sectarianism, and (2) how they have in the process become defenders of the nation-state. Focusing on the Sunni office of mufti, this leadership is surveyed alongside its Shi'i and Druze counterparts to highlight their convergence on a single institutional model. These developments began in response to a French colonial demand for interlocutors with religious communities, and gained urgency as these interlocutors negotiated communal autonomy in religious aff airs. The project of communal self-governance – which included jurisdiction over personal status law – called for centralized religious institutions that could manage nationwide bureaucracies. Thus a Sunni mufti, Shi'i sheikh, and Druze sheikh al-'aql were each elevated to leadership of new religious hierarchies. While competition among these three leaderships played a part in their development, this paper uses the history of the 1975–90 civil war to show how their common enculturation into the life of the state has generated a strong centripetal tendency in their political behavior.

One of the significant conditions of the progress of a democratic society is the clash of ideas for surveying them from different aspects, which is the result of a free space, and is called as criticism. Since beside the western democratic countries, there are a few countries within the Islamic world, especially in the Middle East such as Iran, who, having Islam, try to perform democracy as well, it is necessary for them to know the method of establishing the culture of criticism as one of its basic principles. This article is to speak about the essence, necessities, and conditions of criticism. The direct relation between the durability of the governments and the peoples' right to criticize the governments' functions is another issue that is discussed in this article. Applying the theoretical and Islamic sources proves that both Shi'ite and Sunni sects can potentially support governmental criticism. The referencing style of this research is based on the Chicago style.

Many writers have associated contemporary manifestations of extremism with early Islamic sects, which is argued against in this article. The study employs critical analysis of available sources and argues for additional scrutiny. Our position is supported by detailed scrutiny of early sectarian contributions to the development of Islamic thought. We discovered remarkable limitations in the tracing of the roots to the early firaq (sects) due to a strong reliance on secondary sources muddled in the complexities of dogmatic polemics. Nonetheless, relevant historiography improved our view of what actually happened when nascent Muslims confronted humorless political and social problems. Rather than producing extremist deviants, early Islamic thought was exceedingly dynamic and governed by a pressing need to defend sound Islamic principles. Early Muslims sought answers to perennial issues and did much to stimulate subsequent Muslim philosophy and thought. Indeed, any negative understanding of this early legacy undermines the dignity of that era and people.

The U.S. has been battling ISIS and its forerunners for over two decades; however, ISIS continues to endure and expand. While described as a death cult by some political leaders and other key stakeholders, this assertion received little consideration in the scholarly literature. The purpose of this study was to ascertain whether ISIS satisfied the criteria of an apocalyptic Islamic cult through the application of a historical qualitative research design and meta-analysis. Based on the results, the null hypothesis that ISIS does not satisfy the criteria of an apocalyptic Islamic cult was rejected, and the hypothesis that ISIS satisfies the criteria of an apocalyptic Islamic cult was accepted. This outcome has significant implications regarding U.S. policy and how practitioners develop effective strategies to neutralize the threat.

Andalusian civilization was formed by a combination of complex societies consisting of Arabs, Berbers, Goths, Israelis, Africans, and Salsabes. Logically it is difficult for multi-ethnic communities to coexist peacefully. This social mosaic is a challenge when Islam entered Andalusia. That is because Islam was born in the Arabian Peninsula which has a different culture from Andalusia. Based on the problem of how the influence of Islamic and Muslim tolerance on freedom of religion, culture and thought in Andalusia and through literature study with a historical approach; data collection (heuristic), verification, interpretation and historiography, the authors get the conclusion that cultural assimilation has interacted with tolerance as an influence of Islamic teachings. The influence is not only limited to the development of teachings, but the life of the Andalusian people. For example the birth of the Moor and Mozarabic groups, the development of linguistics and politics. Another indication is the attitude of the Andalusian community and especially Muslims who tolerate religious schools, sects that are different from Islam. Andalusian people lived side by side peacefully for centuries. Educated Jewish and Christian communities are satisfied with their situation under Islamic hegemony and its laws.

Andalusian civilization was formed by a combination of complex societies consisting of Arabs, Berbers, Goths, Israelis, Africans, and Salsabes. Logically it is difficult for multi-ethnic communities to coexist peacefully. This social mosaic is a challenge when Islam entered Andalusia. That is because Islam was born in the Arabian Peninsula which has a different culture from Andalusia. Based on the problem of how the influence of Islamic and Muslim tolerance on freedom of religion, culture and thought in Andalusia and through literature study with a historical approach; data collection (heuristic), verification, interpretation and historiography, the authors get the conclusion that cultural assimilation has interacted with tolerance as an influence of Islamic teachings. The influence is not only limited to the development of teachings, but the life of the Andalusian people. For example the birth of the Moor and Mozarabic groups, the development of linguistics and politics. Another indication is the attitude of the Andalusian community and especially Muslims who tolerate religious schools, sects that are different from Islam. Andalusian people lived side by side peacefully for centuries. Educated Jewish and Christian communities are satisfied with their situation under Islamic hegemony and its laws.

Alevilik is the second largest religious movement in Turkey after Sunnite Islam. The Alevi worship Ali and the twelve Imams of his family. Ali is more or less deified and therefore Alevis are considered as being ghulat ('exaggerated', 'extremist') and heterodox. The elevated Ali personifies an aspiration to justice and righteousness. He fought on the side of the weak and oppressed against those with power in society. Theologically, Ali is assumed to be blessed by the divine light and is therefore able to see into the mysterious spirituality of Islam. Many Alevis today however totally dissociate themselves from Shi'ism. Still, the degrading­ abel kızılbaş ('red-head') is associated with Ali and thus is something alleged to be anti-Osman, since Isma'il fought against the Osman Empire. The colour red represents the blood of Mohammed: he was wounded in battle and Ali saw the prophet's blood flowing. As Ali grew older, he wanted to remind people of Mohammed's struggle and therefore started wearing red headgear. Red thus became the colour of the Shi'ites and over time a symbol of Shi'ite martyrdom. Later red also gained political significance for the Alevis. The religious and the political are closely intertwined, but despite this, neither the Left nor Shi'ism does simply stand on one side and the Right/Sunni on the other – there are no such simple dichotomies in reality.

The Republic of Indonesia does not follow the pure concept of nation state as the national ideology of Pancasila recognizes the role of religion in the national political system. Based on this conception, the government has facilitated the establishment of the ministry of religious affairs which often breaks the principle of religion freedom. In the case of Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah, MUI, established under the auspice of the ministry of religions, has accused the Islamic sect of Ahmadiyah of having done the act of blasphemy. Actually, this will not become a problem if the state consistently applies the separations of power between public and private affairs. In this regard, religious communities take in a role of civil society which would provide checks and balances to the government in the pursuance of democracy. In line with this, the ministry of religious affairs, by means of MUI, should not judge people based on their beliefs. Al-Qur'an also recognizes the existence of different religions as well as some sects within a certain religion. Moreover, it is useful to implement Richard Niebuhr's theory of denomination. Last but not least, MUI should act following the concept of nation state in order to moderate power which tends to corrupt. ; Republik Indonesia didirikan berdasarkan dasar negara Pancasila. Sejalan dengan itu, negara memfasilitasi pendirian kementerian agama, yaitu sebuah institusi yang sering melanggar pinsip kebebasan beragama. Sebagai contoh, MUI, yang didirikan di bawah naungan kementerian agama, menuduh Ahmadiyah, salah satu aliran dalam Islam, telah melakukan penistaan agama. Sebenarnya, model negara Pancasila tidak bermasalah bila negara secara konsisten menerapkan pemisahan kekuasaan antara urusan publik dan urusan privat. Dalam hal ini organisasi-organisasi keagamaan, seperti Ahmadiyah dan MUI, memainkan peran sebagai unsur civil society, dalam arti menjadi penyeimbang bagi negara, demi terciptanya masyarakat yang demokratis. Oleh karena itu, MUI, tidak menilai orang berdasarkan keyakinannya, karena. al-Qur'an mengakui keberadaan beberapa agama dan aliran-alirannya. MUI perlu menilainya berdasarkan teori denominasi karya Richard Niebuhr. MUI juga perlu memposisikan diri sebagai bagian dari civil society, mengkritisi penguasa yang cenderung menyalahgunakan kekuasaan.

This study is a documentation and analysis of change in ritual in the village of Sarilar, on the west bank of the Euphrates River near Yavuseli, Gaziantep. The research problem posed was identification of ritual change within the consultants' memory and some tentative ways of situating such change within the socio-economic context. The mysticism of the dervish lodge remains as a certain life attitude along with the new views of modernization that have been so well inculcated. Although modernization, at least in the Turkish Alevi context, tends to conflict with the mystical experience of the Bektashi dervish in some areas, a democratized inner core remains.

This work examines the role of political conflicts between Muslims in the Early Islamic Era and their influence in the rise of sects and their theological doctrines. The researcher notes the presence of religious controversy in political conflicts and the development of relevant events, This has its direct and indirect reflections on the Muslims life and the management of their crises, religiously, in tellectually and politically up to the present day. The researcher states the importance of the subject, the objectives and methods if the problem and how to handle it. Then the paper discusses the following: First, the party political conflicts, like the Kharajites, the Shiites and the Murjites, Second, discussing Fatalism, Predetermination and the Mutazilites as a case of political employment of religion in the frame of action and reaction between the conflicting parties; and Third, the impact of political conflicts in formulating political vision doctrinally and using it as a religious authority to direct political events and to manage crises. The paper concludes that political conflicts in the Early Islamic Era had an important role in the rise of the sects and the development of their doctrines which used sharia texts to serve their political goals in facing their enemies. This came along with a variety of political attraction and text interpretation in justifying and directing events.

AbstractReligious harmony considers good for the development of any sovereign country, in which different schools of thoughts/sects play a vital role in society. Some namely scholars in different religious sects of Islam such as Sunni (Wahhabi, Deobandi, Ahl-e-Hadith and Baralvi) Shia are involving in supporting of sectarianism violence and also destroying the peaceful image of the country from last three decades. Sectarianism conflict is a big hindrance for the development of religious affairs and economy of the country. This study will highlight the role of religious sects and effects on the natives of the country. How sectarianisms destroyed the peaceful image of Pakistan in the world under the shadows of Islam. This cross sectional study of Three month duration which conducted from the present and pass out students of modern educational institutions and religious Madrassa from Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhawa, Sindh, Baluchistan and Azad Jammu & Kashmir. For better results of the study, 400 respondents (male and female) selected and analyzed data. As per survey results and primary findings, sectarianism is a bad curse which destroyed the gross-roots of the natives of country religiously, economically and politically for last many years.AbstrakKerukunan umat beragama dianggap baik bagi perkembangan negara berdaulat, berbagai aliran pemikiran/sekte berperan penting dalam kehidupan masyarakat. Sehingga ada beberapa cendikiawan yang berbeda seperti Sunni (Wahhabi, Deobandi, Ahl-e-Hadits dan Baralvi) Syiah terlibat dalam mendukung kekerasan sektarianisme yang menghancurkan citra damai negara dari tiga dekade terakhir. Konflik sektarianisme adalah penghalang besar bagi perkembangan urusan agama dan ekonomi negara. Studi ini akan menyoroti peran sekte dan efek agama pada penduduk asli negara itu. Bagaimana sektarianisme menghancurkan citra damai Pakistan di dunia di bawah bayang-bayang Islam. Studi cross sectional ini berdurasi tiga bulan yang dilakukan dari sekarang dan lulus siswa dari lembaga pendidikan modern dan madrasah agama dari Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhawa, Sindh, Baluchistan dan Azad Jammu & Kashmir. Untuk hasil penelitian yang lebih baik, 400 responden (pria dan wanita) memilih dan menganalisis data. Sesuai hasil survei dan temuan utama, sektarianisme adalah kutukan buruk yang menghancurkan akar-akar kasar penduduk asli negara secara agama, ekonomi dan politik selama beberapa tahun terakhir.How to Cite: Hamza, M., Shams, S. (2019). Religious Sectarianism Destroying the Peaceful Image of Islamic Country: A Case Study of Pakistan. TARBIYA: Journal of Education in Muslim Society, 6(2), 220-232. doi:10.15408/tjems.v6i2.14961.

Humanities: 3rd Place (The Ohio State University Denman Undergraduate Research Forum) ; On July 19, 2012, head mufti Ildus Faizov was nearly assassinated and his deputy Valiulla Yakupov was murdered by a radical Islamic sect in the city of Kazan in Tatarstan, Russia. This unprecedented terrorist attack was motivated by the extremists' outrage for their leaders' moderate prescriptions on Islamic fundamentalism. Such deadly intra-communal violence triggered a strong military response from the Russian government. In line with Putin-era security policies, the Federal Security Service (FSB) continues to actively pursue extremists in the conflicts of the North Caucasus. However, initial inquiries suggest the dissatisfaction of ethnic minorities with federal mandates extends beyond this war-torn area. Through news source analysis, this study examines the growing trend of nationalist fervor and Islamic radicalization in the republics of Tatarstan and neighboring Bashkortostan. The field research is currently on going, and conclusions will be presented in preliminary form. The results of this project will provide important knowledge pertaining to political violence in a region not heavily studied in current academic circles. ; Academic Major: International Studies

While many Muslim sects are in agreement of the necessity of the Islamic Caliphate or Khilafah, modelled upon the ideal caliphate of the Prophet and the four rightly-guided caliphs, its necessity is sometimes completely denied. A very controversial view is that advanced by the Egyptian, Ali Abd. al-Raziq (1888-1966) in his treatise al-Islam wa Usul al-Hukm (Islam and the Principles of Government) published in 1925. This paper reviews the argument forwarded by Ali Abd. al-Raziq on the necessity of the Islamic Caliphate using a secondary data analysis and published materials written by scholars on this issue. It is found that the nature and some fundamental principles of the khilafah arose very early in Islam and has continued to provoke discussion into the modern world. Amongst Ali Abd. al-Raziq's views were the claim that caliphate has no basis, whether in the Qur'an, the traditions or the consensus (ijmac) and the assertion of separation between religion and political power. His view, which remarks violent controversy in the modern Muslim world, is discussed throughout this paper. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n4s2p137