The former foreign minister of the Palestinian Authority was one of the negotiators who attempted to get the peace process back on track several months ago. However, in the face of the Obama administration's inconsistency, as it first pushed to restart negotiations and then visibly lost interest, and the intransigence of the Israelis, who, under Benjamin Netanyahu, are determined to give up nothing, Nabil Shaath and his colleagues finally threw in the towel. Their withdrawal from the negotiating process in no way signifies that they have renounced any hope for peace, quite to the contrary. But to move forward, they say, a different government must first come to power in Israel. In the meantime, the Palestinians will continue the fight in the legal arena. Wherever they can demand recognition of their rights-the United Nations, the International Court of Justice, etc.-they will seek recourse against the state of Israel. Adapted from the source document.
This article deals with the electoral process that has taken place in Palestine since the death of Yasser Arafat. It tackles the issue of the internal & regional political changes that have followed Mahmoud Abbas' arrival as head of the Palestinian Authority (PA). What are the links between the Palestinian-Israeli diplomatic agenda & the political liberalization of the Palestinian institutions? & to what extent can the victory of an Islamic party affect the opening & development of peace negotiations? The PA is currently trying to stop in some ways the democratic process, fearing an Hamas overwhelming landslide. The Authority is supported in that scenario by the European Community, the United States & Israel, which would have preferred another more "moderate" majority on the scene. Adapted from the source document.
Der Beitrag untersucht die Strategien der "Isolierung" und der territorialen Zerstückelung durch Israel, mit denen kurz nach Ausbruch der Intifada begonnen und die im Herbst 1993 intensiviert wurden, unter Verletzung der Abkommen von Oslo, Paris und Kairo. Die benutzten Mittel sind die Einkreisung der autonomen und besetzten Gebiete, die Abriegelung und das Passierscheinsystem. Aufgezeigt werden auch die Konsequenzen der "Isolierung" für die soziale, wirtschaftliche, politische und territoriale palästinensische Struktur. (DÜI-Ott)
Avraham Burg is an atypical presence on the Israeli political scene, to say the least. Son of one of the founders of the National Religious Party, & very religious himself, he has long been a leftist militant. After spending much of his career alongside Shimon Peres, & heading the Knesset from 1999 to 2003, Mr. Burg stepped out of public life. But he now plans to rejoin the fray, since he has just started a new party, called Shivyon, or "Equality." Equality is indeed the watchword for this engage intellectual, as he explains in this interview with Aude Marcovitch. Equality between Arabs & Jews, of course, but also equality between Israel & the future Palestinian state. There will only be peace in the Middle East when everybody accepts that they are equal, & that no one is superior. Nor does Mr. Burg, who harshly criticizes Israeli leaders on both the left & right, excuse the Palestinians for their own erring ways. Adapted from the source document.
The town is an obvious component of a conflict, being at the same time the battleground, the instrument, & the stake. This reflection, starting from geopolitical observations & research on the situation in the Near East, attempts to shed light on the links between cities, & political & military strategies. In doing so, it is possible to measure the complex, sometimes contradictory but true nature of this link, around which political & military strategies materialize according to changing power relationships. During the conflicts which have punctuated the history of the Near East, three strands of the political & military strategies of Israel & its Arab neighbors can be identified: open warfare, the buffer zone (or glacis), occupation & annexation. What is the place of the city in these strategic axes? The city is omnipresent in the war context, making it possible to identify three situations: the destroyed city, the occupied city, the resulting city. In each case, Beirut & more generally Lebanon's cities, Palestinian cities or "city-colonies," the Homa Oumigdal of Jewish settlements in the West Bank are reliable examples. Thus, we attempt to show how cities can bring about a spatial dimension of thought, both political (ideological) & military, illustrated by deeds & facts. Figures. Adapted from the source document.
Zusammenstellung von Artikeln und Chronologien, die seit 1945 in Le Monde zu Geschichte, Verlauf und regionalen Rahmenbedingungen des Palästinaproblems erschienen sind. Während die Geschichte vom ersten Zionistenkongreß 1897 bis zur israelischen Staatsgründung 1948 nur kursorisch abgedeckt ist (S. 8-25), nehmen die Entwicklungen und Probleme des jüngsten Jahrzehnts (Intifada seit 1987, Friedensprozeß und Friedensperspektiven) den breitesten Raum ein. (S. 104-160). (DÜI-Hns)
This thesis compares the strategies deployed by two international solidarity networks - the neo-Zapatista movement, based in Chiapas, Mexico, and the Israel/Palestine anti-occupation movement - to publicly communicate the political causes they espouse in an activist context dominated by the development of global justice frameworks (1994-2006). It seeks to explain how two such politically dissimilar struggles - the rebellion of the indigenous people of Chiapas, the resistance against Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories - might have come to be considered, in some political and media arenas, in similar terms to those used to characterise the opposition to "neo-liberal globalisation"; it sets out also to explain how the neo-Zapatista struggle might have come to be more naturally framed as a symbol of the global justice movement rather than as one of resistance to occupation. This study adopts a constructivist approach, closely exploring the practical dynamics of the international circulation of global justice ideas and actors, and is particularly concerned with the role played by activist media in this process. It argues that the partial convergence of collective action frameworks is the result of a series of tactical choices and internalised constraints, which have together favoured the development of discourses of struggle which are relatively independent of their social contexts of production. In order to understand the conditions which have enabled the conferment of a 'performative' power on discourses critical of neoliberal globalisation, I undertook fieldwork comprising 76 semi-directive interviews with activists and journalists, a series of observations in "alternative media" centres, and archival work. The comparison of the media repertoires of each network enables the identification of the progressive specialisation of activists in the work of alternative mediatisation. Part I of the thesis focuses on the processes of internationalisation of movement political capital. Part II highlights the ...
This thesis compares the strategies deployed by two international solidarity networks - the neo-Zapatista movement, based in Chiapas, Mexico, and the Israel/Palestine anti-occupation movement - to publicly communicate the political causes they espouse in an activist context dominated by the development of global justice frameworks (1994-2006). It seeks to explain how two such politically dissimilar struggles - the rebellion of the indigenous people of Chiapas, the resistance against Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories - might have come to be considered, in some political and media arenas, in similar terms to those used to characterise the opposition to "neo-liberal globalisation"; it sets out also to explain how the neo-Zapatista struggle might have come to be more naturally framed as a symbol of the global justice movement rather than as one of resistance to occupation. This study adopts a constructivist approach, closely exploring the practical dynamics of the international circulation of global justice ideas and actors, and is particularly concerned with the role played by activist media in this process. It argues that the partial convergence of collective action frameworks is the result of a series of tactical choices and internalised constraints, which have together favoured the development of discourses of struggle which are relatively independent of their social contexts of production. In order to understand the conditions which have enabled the conferment of a 'performative' power on discourses critical of neoliberal globalisation, I undertook fieldwork comprising 76 semi-directive interviews with activists and journalists, a series of observations in "alternative media" centres, and archival work. The comparison of the media repertoires of each network enables the identification of the progressive specialisation of activists in the work of alternative mediatisation. Part I of the thesis focuses on the processes of internationalisation of movement political capital. Part II highlights the existence of a negative correlation between the development of conventional media coverage and activist investment in "alternative media" networks, which may function as spaces of compensation or of symbolic correction. Finally, Part III analyses the material conditions of production, diffusion and institutionalisation of media activism in each of the two networks. ; Cette étude compare les stratégies déployées par deux réseaux militants de solidarité internationale pour diffuser publiquement leurs causes politiques, dans une conjoncture marquée par l'essor du cadre de mobilisation altermondialiste (1994-2006) : le mouvement néozapatiste (Chiapas, Mexique) et le mouvement anti-occupation (Israël-Palestine). Comment expliquer que des conflits politiques si différents - la révolte des Indiens du Chiapas et les luttes contre l'occupation israélienne des Territoires palestiniens - puissent être considérés, dans certaines arènes politiques et médiatiques, dans les termes semblables de la lutte contre la " mondialisation néolibérale " ? Comment expliquer, parallèlement, que la lutte néozapatiste soit plus facilement érigée en emblème de l'altermondialisme que la lutte anti-occupation ? Optant pour une démarche constructiviste visant à rendre compte au plus près des logiques pratiques de la circulation internationale de l'altermondialisme et de ses acteurs, l'enquête s'intéresse spécifiquement au rôle des médias des mouvements sociaux dans ce processus. Elle défend la thèse que cette convergence partielle des cadres de mobilisation collective est le produit d'une série de choix tactiques et de contraintes intériorisées favorisant la production de discours contestataires relativement indépendants de leurs conditions sociales de production. Pour comprendre les conditions donnant ou non un pouvoir " performatif " à ces discours critiques sur la mondialisation néolibérale, l'enquête de terrain repose sur 76 entretiens semi-directifs auprès de militants et de journalistes, des observations menées dans des centres de " médias alternatifs ", et un travail sur archives. La comparaison des répertoires médiatiques des deux réseaux met à jour la spécialisation progressive de militants dans le travail de médiatisation alternative. Le travail s'intéresse dans un premier temps aux processus d'internationalisation du capital politique des mouvements (partie I). Il met ensuite en évidence l'existence d'une corrélation négative entre l'évolution de leur couverture médiatique dans la presse conventionnelle et l'investissement de militants dans des réseaux de " médias alternatifs ", qui fonctionnent selon les cas comme des espaces de compensation ou de correction symboliques (partie II). Enfin, il analyse les conditions concrètes de production, de diffusion et d'institutionnalisation du militantisme de l'information dans chacun des deux réseaux (partie III).
This thesis compares the strategies deployed by two international solidarity networks - the neo-Zapatista movement, based in Chiapas, Mexico, and the Israel/Palestine anti-occupation movement - to publicly communicate the political causes they espouse in an activist context dominated by the development of global justice frameworks (1994-2006). It seeks to explain how two such politically dissimilar struggles - the rebellion of the indigenous people of Chiapas, the resistance against Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories - might have come to be considered, in some political and media arenas, in similar terms to those used to characterise the opposition to "neo-liberal globalisation"; it sets out also to explain how the neo-Zapatista struggle might have come to be more naturally framed as a symbol of the global justice movement rather than as one of resistance to occupation. This study adopts a constructivist approach, closely exploring the practical dynamics of the international circulation of global justice ideas and actors, and is particularly concerned with the role played by activist media in this process. It argues that the partial convergence of collective action frameworks is the result of a series of tactical choices and internalised constraints, which have together favoured the development of discourses of struggle which are relatively independent of their social contexts of production. In order to understand the conditions which have enabled the conferment of a 'performative' power on discourses critical of neoliberal globalisation, I undertook fieldwork comprising 76 semi-directive interviews with activists and journalists, a series of observations in "alternative media" centres, and archival work. The comparison of the media repertoires of each network enables the identification of the progressive specialisation of activists in the work of alternative mediatisation. Part I of the thesis focuses on the processes of internationalisation of movement political capital. Part II highlights the existence of a negative correlation between the development of conventional media coverage and activist investment in "alternative media" networks, which may function as spaces of compensation or of symbolic correction. Finally, Part III analyses the material conditions of production, diffusion and institutionalisation of media activism in each of the two networks. ; Cette étude compare les stratégies déployées par deux réseaux militants de solidarité internationale pour diffuser publiquement leurs causes politiques, dans une conjoncture marquée par l'essor du cadre de mobilisation altermondialiste (1994-2006) : le mouvement néozapatiste (Chiapas, Mexique) et le mouvement anti-occupation (Israël-Palestine). Comment expliquer que des conflits politiques si différents - la révolte des Indiens du Chiapas et les luttes contre l'occupation israélienne des Territoires palestiniens - puissent être considérés, dans certaines arènes politiques et médiatiques, dans les termes semblables de la lutte contre la " mondialisation néolibérale " ? Comment expliquer, parallèlement, que la lutte néozapatiste soit plus facilement érigée en emblème de l'altermondialisme que la lutte anti-occupation ? Optant pour une démarche constructiviste visant à rendre compte au plus près des logiques pratiques de la circulation internationale de l'altermondialisme et de ses acteurs, l'enquête s'intéresse spécifiquement au rôle des médias des mouvements sociaux dans ce processus. Elle défend la thèse que cette convergence partielle des cadres de mobilisation collective est le produit d'une série de choix tactiques et de contraintes intériorisées favorisant la production de discours contestataires relativement indépendants de leurs conditions sociales de production. Pour comprendre les conditions donnant ou non un pouvoir " performatif " à ces discours critiques sur la mondialisation néolibérale, l'enquête de terrain repose sur 76 entretiens semi-directifs auprès de militants et de journalistes, des observations menées dans des centres de " médias alternatifs ", et un travail sur archives. La comparaison des répertoires médiatiques des deux réseaux met à jour la spécialisation progressive de militants dans le travail de médiatisation alternative. Le travail s'intéresse dans un premier temps aux processus d'internationalisation du capital politique des mouvements (partie I). Il met ensuite en évidence l'existence d'une corrélation négative entre l'évolution de leur couverture médiatique dans la presse conventionnelle et l'investissement de militants dans des réseaux de " médias alternatifs ", qui fonctionnent selon les cas comme des espaces de compensation ou de correction symboliques (partie II). Enfin, il analyse les conditions concrètes de production, de diffusion et d'institutionnalisation du militantisme de l'information dans chacun des deux réseaux (partie III).
