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Influence of Norwegian Non-governmental Organizations on the State's Foreign Policy This Master's thesis deals with the analysis of the Norwegian NGOs and its influence on the state's foreign policy. The main question focuses on the case of Norway and its Track II diplomacy in the international conflict cases. This thesis is also trying to answer the second (additional) question: what are the main factors that determine the success of Norwegian Track II diplomacy in international peace processes. Using the practice analysis method the main aim of this work is to find the right components of Norwegian model that helped to reach the compromise in Sudan, Sri Lanka, and Israel – Palestine cases. Track II diplomacy could be understood as cooperation of non-governmental, official and unofficial policy makers, sometimes private citizens or groups of individuals. The main condition is that these groups work together to reach the agreement in these countries where the official diplomacy failed. Track II diplomacy contrasts with track I diplomacy, which is official, governmental diplomacy that occur inside official government channels. In addition, the term track 1.5 diplomacy is used by some analysts to define a situation where official and non-official actors cooperate in conflict resolution. However, in this paper I decide to use the term of Track II diplomacy. After I did a research on Sudan, Sri Lanka, Israel – Palestine cases, I found conditions for successful small states' role in the international politics. States need to follow Norway's example, which has few rules. First of all, we need to understand that in some cases traditional conflict solving methods are not working. That's why Norway and its NGO cooperation solving international conflicts are so unique. Second, one of the main keys to success is trust. NGOs based in the conflict country should trust NGOs from the third (neutral) country. Following country should not have intentions in the conflict region. Moreover, Norwegian NGOs could reach many different groups in the society. It helps to ensure human rights to many people during the conflict. In Israel – Palestine case this plays very important role. Also, it helps to ensure stability in the conflict areas. Norway case also showed that sometimes NGOs are more flexible than official institutions. All in all, Norway case shows that not only Track II diplomacy helps to solve conflicts that are continuing for decades. The research showed that traditional conflict solving elements are also important. Especially talking about the finances. Classical conflict solving is like background for Track II diplomacy. Thus, Norwegian model is a good example of how official diplomacy could be supplemented by Track II diplomacy.

Influence of Norwegian Non-governmental Organizations on the State's Foreign Policy This Master's thesis deals with the analysis of the Norwegian NGOs and its influence on the state's foreign policy. The main question focuses on the case of Norway and its Track II diplomacy in the international conflict cases. This thesis is also trying to answer the second (additional) question: what are the main factors that determine the success of Norwegian Track II diplomacy in international peace processes. Using the practice analysis method the main aim of this work is to find the right components of Norwegian model that helped to reach the compromise in Sudan, Sri Lanka, and Israel – Palestine cases. Track II diplomacy could be understood as cooperation of non-governmental, official and unofficial policy makers, sometimes private citizens or groups of individuals. The main condition is that these groups work together to reach the agreement in these countries where the official diplomacy failed. Track II diplomacy contrasts with track I diplomacy, which is official, governmental diplomacy that occur inside official government channels. In addition, the term track 1.5 diplomacy is used by some analysts to define a situation where official and non-official actors cooperate in conflict resolution. However, in this paper I decide to use the term of Track II diplomacy. After I did a research on Sudan, Sri Lanka, Israel – Palestine cases, I found conditions for successful small states' role in the international politics. States need to follow Norway's example, which has few rules. First of all, we need to understand that in some cases traditional conflict solving methods are not working. That's why Norway and its NGO cooperation solving international conflicts are so unique. Second, one of the main keys to success is trust. NGOs based in the conflict country should trust NGOs from the third (neutral) country. Following country should not have intentions in the conflict region. Moreover, Norwegian NGOs could reach many different groups in the society. It helps to ensure human rights to many people during the conflict. In Israel – Palestine case this plays very important role. Also, it helps to ensure stability in the conflict areas. Norway case also showed that sometimes NGOs are more flexible than official institutions. All in all, Norway case shows that not only Track II diplomacy helps to solve conflicts that are continuing for decades. The research showed that traditional conflict solving elements are also important. Especially talking about the finances. Classical conflict solving is like background for Track II diplomacy. Thus, Norwegian model is a good example of how official diplomacy could be supplemented by Track II diplomacy.

Influence of Norwegian Non-governmental Organizations on the State's Foreign Policy This Master's thesis deals with the analysis of the Norwegian NGOs and its influence on the state's foreign policy. The main question focuses on the case of Norway and its Track II diplomacy in the international conflict cases. This thesis is also trying to answer the second (additional) question: what are the main factors that determine the success of Norwegian Track II diplomacy in international peace processes. Using the practice analysis method the main aim of this work is to find the right components of Norwegian model that helped to reach the compromise in Sudan, Sri Lanka, and Israel – Palestine cases. Track II diplomacy could be understood as cooperation of non-governmental, official and unofficial policy makers, sometimes private citizens or groups of individuals. The main condition is that these groups work together to reach the agreement in these countries where the official diplomacy failed. Track II diplomacy contrasts with track I diplomacy, which is official, governmental diplomacy that occur inside official government channels. In addition, the term track 1.5 diplomacy is used by some analysts to define a situation where official and non-official actors cooperate in conflict resolution. However, in this paper I decide to use the term of Track II diplomacy. After I did a research on Sudan, Sri Lanka, Israel – Palestine cases, I found conditions for successful small states' role in the international politics. States need to follow Norway's example, which has few rules. First of all, we need to understand that in some cases traditional conflict solving methods are not working. That's why Norway and its NGO cooperation solving international conflicts are so unique. Second, one of the main keys to success is trust. NGOs based in the conflict country should trust NGOs from the third (neutral) country. Following country should not have intentions in the conflict region. Moreover, Norwegian NGOs could reach many different groups in the society. It helps to ensure human rights to many people during the conflict. In Israel – Palestine case this plays very important role. Also, it helps to ensure stability in the conflict areas. Norway case also showed that sometimes NGOs are more flexible than official institutions. All in all, Norway case shows that not only Track II diplomacy helps to solve conflicts that are continuing for decades. The research showed that traditional conflict solving elements are also important. Especially talking about the finances. Classical conflict solving is like background for Track II diplomacy. Thus, Norwegian model is a good example of how official diplomacy could be supplemented by Track II diplomacy.

Influence of Norwegian Non-governmental Organizations on the State's Foreign Policy This Master's thesis deals with the analysis of the Norwegian NGOs and its influence on the state's foreign policy. The main question focuses on the case of Norway and its Track II diplomacy in the international conflict cases. This thesis is also trying to answer the second (additional) question: what are the main factors that determine the success of Norwegian Track II diplomacy in international peace processes. Using the practice analysis method the main aim of this work is to find the right components of Norwegian model that helped to reach the compromise in Sudan, Sri Lanka, and Israel – Palestine cases. Track II diplomacy could be understood as cooperation of non-governmental, official and unofficial policy makers, sometimes private citizens or groups of individuals. The main condition is that these groups work together to reach the agreement in these countries where the official diplomacy failed. Track II diplomacy contrasts with track I diplomacy, which is official, governmental diplomacy that occur inside official government channels. In addition, the term track 1.5 diplomacy is used by some analysts to define a situation where official and non-official actors cooperate in conflict resolution. However, in this paper I decide to use the term of Track II diplomacy. After I did a research on Sudan, Sri Lanka, Israel – Palestine cases, I found conditions for successful small states' role in the international politics. States need to follow Norway's example, which has few rules. First of all, we need to understand that in some cases traditional conflict solving methods are not working. That's why Norway and its NGO cooperation solving international conflicts are so unique. Second, one of the main keys to success is trust. NGOs based in the conflict country should trust NGOs from the third (neutral) country. Following country should not have intentions in the conflict region. Moreover, Norwegian NGOs could reach many different groups in the society. It helps to ensure human rights to many people during the conflict. In Israel – Palestine case this plays very important role. Also, it helps to ensure stability in the conflict areas. Norway case also showed that sometimes NGOs are more flexible than official institutions. All in all, Norway case shows that not only Track II diplomacy helps to solve conflicts that are continuing for decades. The research showed that traditional conflict solving elements are also important. Especially talking about the finances. Classical conflict solving is like background for Track II diplomacy. Thus, Norwegian model is a good example of how official diplomacy could be supplemented by Track II diplomacy.

Summary of Master Thesis 'Establishment of the State of Israel and its Territorial Issues' Blood in Palestine both sharpens hatred between Arabs and Jews and is the best justification to Arab terrorism all over the world. Hatred, slaughter, violence, terror and practically no hope to come to an agreement are inseparable elements of Israel and Palestine. Israel has been an independent state for 60 years now; however, it does not exist in the same way as many other states established some time ago. This reason became an inducement to analyse the establishment of the State of Israel and the problems caused by this process in a more detailed way. This work consists of four parts. The first part discusses establishment of states in terms of international law. Whereas international law itself is pertinent to the state rights and responsibilities, specific criteria revealing state conception in the sense of international law and its main features are presented as well as discrepancy of their theoretical and practical existence. At the same time this part shows the development of state characteristics and distinguishes the importance of additional criteria uprising. The second part analyses peculiarities of one particular Israel state formation in the entire historical and political context. This part consists of four chapters, which consistently discuss historical circumstances of the Palestine Mandate formation, its influence to further idea of state establishment, legitimacy of the mandate content, continuity of the mandate as a law, United Nations Partition Resolution and legal validity of its acceptance. The third part is devoted to the creation of the State of Israel, declaration of independence. This part covers three chapters separately analysing attributes of the State of Israel in terms of international law. It studies the criteria of territory, permanent population and effective authority and how they were compatible with the State of Israel as a newly created territorial entity agreeably to the rules of international law. The biggest attention is paid to the recognition institution as one of the most relevant questions of international law and politics. The fourth part analyses the creation of Palestine Autonomy and peculiarities of the problem of Israel territorial settlement. This part consists of four chapters which distinguish the main reasons of this problem and Israel breaches of international law rules analyse the content of the autonomy and how it is consistent with the State of Israel, define reasons for not recognising Palestine as a state and present possible perspectives to settle the conflict as hopes of all world community.

Summary of Master Thesis 'Establishment of the State of Israel and its Territorial Issues' Blood in Palestine both sharpens hatred between Arabs and Jews and is the best justification to Arab terrorism all over the world. Hatred, slaughter, violence, terror and practically no hope to come to an agreement are inseparable elements of Israel and Palestine. Israel has been an independent state for 60 years now; however, it does not exist in the same way as many other states established some time ago. This reason became an inducement to analyse the establishment of the State of Israel and the problems caused by this process in a more detailed way. This work consists of four parts. The first part discusses establishment of states in terms of international law. Whereas international law itself is pertinent to the state rights and responsibilities, specific criteria revealing state conception in the sense of international law and its main features are presented as well as discrepancy of their theoretical and practical existence. At the same time this part shows the development of state characteristics and distinguishes the importance of additional criteria uprising. The second part analyses peculiarities of one particular Israel state formation in the entire historical and political context. This part consists of four chapters, which consistently discuss historical circumstances of the Palestine Mandate formation, its influence to further idea of state establishment, legitimacy of the mandate content, continuity of the mandate as a law, United Nations Partition Resolution and legal validity of its acceptance. The third part is devoted to the creation of the State of Israel, declaration of independence. This part covers three chapters separately analysing attributes of the State of Israel in terms of international law. It studies the criteria of territory, permanent population and effective authority and how they were compatible with the State of Israel as a newly created territorial entity agreeably to the rules of international law. The biggest attention is paid to the recognition institution as one of the most relevant questions of international law and politics. The fourth part analyses the creation of Palestine Autonomy and peculiarities of the problem of Israel territorial settlement. This part consists of four chapters which distinguish the main reasons of this problem and Israel breaches of international law rules analyse the content of the autonomy and how it is consistent with the State of Israel, define reasons for not recognising Palestine as a state and present possible perspectives to settle the conflict as hopes of all world community.

Summary of Master Thesis 'Establishment of the State of Israel and its Territorial Issues' Blood in Palestine both sharpens hatred between Arabs and Jews and is the best justification to Arab terrorism all over the world. Hatred, slaughter, violence, terror and practically no hope to come to an agreement are inseparable elements of Israel and Palestine. Israel has been an independent state for 60 years now; however, it does not exist in the same way as many other states established some time ago. This reason became an inducement to analyse the establishment of the State of Israel and the problems caused by this process in a more detailed way. This work consists of four parts. The first part discusses establishment of states in terms of international law. Whereas international law itself is pertinent to the state rights and responsibilities, specific criteria revealing state conception in the sense of international law and its main features are presented as well as discrepancy of their theoretical and practical existence. At the same time this part shows the development of state characteristics and distinguishes the importance of additional criteria uprising. The second part analyses peculiarities of one particular Israel state formation in the entire historical and political context. This part consists of four chapters, which consistently discuss historical circumstances of the Palestine Mandate formation, its influence to further idea of state establishment, legitimacy of the mandate content, continuity of the mandate as a law, United Nations Partition Resolution and legal validity of its acceptance. The third part is devoted to the creation of the State of Israel, declaration of independence. This part covers three chapters separately analysing attributes of the State of Israel in terms of international law. It studies the criteria of territory, permanent population and effective authority and how they were compatible with the State of Israel as a newly created territorial entity agreeably to the rules of international law. The biggest attention is paid to the recognition institution as one of the most relevant questions of international law and politics. The fourth part analyses the creation of Palestine Autonomy and peculiarities of the problem of Israel territorial settlement. This part consists of four chapters which distinguish the main reasons of this problem and Israel breaches of international law rules analyse the content of the autonomy and how it is consistent with the State of Israel, define reasons for not recognising Palestine as a state and present possible perspectives to settle the conflict as hopes of all world community.

Summary of Master Thesis 'Establishment of the State of Israel and its Territorial Issues' Blood in Palestine both sharpens hatred between Arabs and Jews and is the best justification to Arab terrorism all over the world. Hatred, slaughter, violence, terror and practically no hope to come to an agreement are inseparable elements of Israel and Palestine. Israel has been an independent state for 60 years now; however, it does not exist in the same way as many other states established some time ago. This reason became an inducement to analyse the establishment of the State of Israel and the problems caused by this process in a more detailed way. This work consists of four parts. The first part discusses establishment of states in terms of international law. Whereas international law itself is pertinent to the state rights and responsibilities, specific criteria revealing state conception in the sense of international law and its main features are presented as well as discrepancy of their theoretical and practical existence. At the same time this part shows the development of state characteristics and distinguishes the importance of additional criteria uprising. The second part analyses peculiarities of one particular Israel state formation in the entire historical and political context. This part consists of four chapters, which consistently discuss historical circumstances of the Palestine Mandate formation, its influence to further idea of state establishment, legitimacy of the mandate content, continuity of the mandate as a law, United Nations Partition Resolution and legal validity of its acceptance. The third part is devoted to the creation of the State of Israel, declaration of independence. This part covers three chapters separately analysing attributes of the State of Israel in terms of international law. It studies the criteria of territory, permanent population and effective authority and how they were compatible with the State of Israel as a newly created territorial entity agreeably to the rules of international law. The biggest attention is paid to the recognition institution as one of the most relevant questions of international law and politics. The fourth part analyses the creation of Palestine Autonomy and peculiarities of the problem of Israel territorial settlement. This part consists of four chapters which distinguish the main reasons of this problem and Israel breaches of international law rules analyse the content of the autonomy and how it is consistent with the State of Israel, define reasons for not recognising Palestine as a state and present possible perspectives to settle the conflict as hopes of all world community.

Since the demise of FSU, about one million Russian speakers from all republics of the FSU have moved to Israel. Today Russian Jews amount to 20 % of Israeli society. This aliyah doesn't integrate into Israeli society and forms Russian speakers' subculture (externalized through particular cultural identity, Russian language community formation and no integration process) in Israel. This segregation determines complex Russian Jews relationship with Israel and Russia: in Israel this community functions like separate ethnic group and creates diasporic ties with Russia. As a result of the demise of the FSU Russia-Israel relations take a new form. Russia renounced it's entirely proarabic politics and started developing friendly ties with Israel. The aim of the work is to determine the role of Israeli Russian Jews community in Israel-Russia relations, keeping in mind that Israeli Russian speakers in Israel society act like the separate ethnic group with strong diasporic ties with Russia. The hypothesis of the work – Israeli Russian Jews community is one of the factors, affecting Israel-Russia relations transformation in positive way. In order to verify the hypothesis there are formed four goals: 1) to define the term "diaspora"and theoretical model of diaspora's action between hostland and homeland; 2) to analyze Israeli Russian Jews community's identification with Russian culture and evaluate the disintegration into Israeli society process; 3) to evaluate Israel, Russia and community's interests in respect of each other; 4) to identify the role of Russian Jews in political, economical and cultural area. The analysis enables to come to these conclusions: 1) Israeli Russian Jews act like the bridge between Israel and Russia. Dual cultural identification and non-integration process capacitates hostland to obtain homeland features (and vice versa) and creates proper conditions for Russian Jews to act like the mediator. 2) Russian Jews community was one of the main factors for changing Russia's perception of Israel – new perception determines new political courses and opens new possibilities; 3) Israeli Russian Jews is one of the main initiator of Israel-Russia economical cooperation; 4) Russian Jews community is the main actor in cultural each other (Israel-Russia) knowledge. Nevertheless, dual identification on certain conditions operates like community's motivation reducing factor. On the one hand, dual identification capacitates community to act like influential political and economic group in Israel, retain dual citizenship, property and operation freedom in Russia. On the other hand, dual identification is the barrier for active lobby. Dual identification prevents community from political agenda in regard to Israel-Russia relations formation. Thus even disposing of powerful political influence means Israeli Russian Jews don't manage to use it. Eventually, by playing "dual identity" card Russian Jews community may become the mean of influence in the relationship of two states. Dual identity suppresses political consciousness and diasporic community can't be active player in regard to partly hostland/partly homeland - Russia. Because of this passivity Russian Jews community-reversed diaspora becomes potential object of manipulation. The analysis of literature enables to come to the conclusion that Israel government doesn't use the community as the mean of influence. It can be explained by the fact that Israel government, despite dual Russian Jews community's identity, doesn't consider Russian Jews as diaspora, conversely it is considered integral part of Israel society. Whereas Russia is trying to ensure for itself possible means of manipulation through financial support for Russian Jews parties and provided permission to use Russia's mass media for Russian Jews community's purposes. It means that in prospect Russian Jews may become significant Russia's mean of influence to Israel.

Since the demise of FSU, about one million Russian speakers from all republics of the FSU have moved to Israel. Today Russian Jews amount to 20 % of Israeli society. This aliyah doesn't integrate into Israeli society and forms Russian speakers' subculture (externalized through particular cultural identity, Russian language community formation and no integration process) in Israel. This segregation determines complex Russian Jews relationship with Israel and Russia: in Israel this community functions like separate ethnic group and creates diasporic ties with Russia. As a result of the demise of the FSU Russia-Israel relations take a new form. Russia renounced it's entirely proarabic politics and started developing friendly ties with Israel. The aim of the work is to determine the role of Israeli Russian Jews community in Israel-Russia relations, keeping in mind that Israeli Russian speakers in Israel society act like the separate ethnic group with strong diasporic ties with Russia. The hypothesis of the work – Israeli Russian Jews community is one of the factors, affecting Israel-Russia relations transformation in positive way. In order to verify the hypothesis there are formed four goals: 1) to define the term "diaspora"and theoretical model of diaspora's action between hostland and homeland; 2) to analyze Israeli Russian Jews community's identification with Russian culture and evaluate the disintegration into Israeli society process; 3) to evaluate Israel, Russia and community's interests in respect of each other; 4) to identify the role of Russian Jews in political, economical and cultural area. The analysis enables to come to these conclusions: 1) Israeli Russian Jews act like the bridge between Israel and Russia. Dual cultural identification and non-integration process capacitates hostland to obtain homeland features (and vice versa) and creates proper conditions for Russian Jews to act like the mediator. 2) Russian Jews community was one of the main factors for changing Russia's perception of Israel – new perception determines new political courses and opens new possibilities; 3) Israeli Russian Jews is one of the main initiator of Israel-Russia economical cooperation; 4) Russian Jews community is the main actor in cultural each other (Israel-Russia) knowledge. Nevertheless, dual identification on certain conditions operates like community's motivation reducing factor. On the one hand, dual identification capacitates community to act like influential political and economic group in Israel, retain dual citizenship, property and operation freedom in Russia. On the other hand, dual identification is the barrier for active lobby. Dual identification prevents community from political agenda in regard to Israel-Russia relations formation. Thus even disposing of powerful political influence means Israeli Russian Jews don't manage to use it. Eventually, by playing "dual identity" card Russian Jews community may become the mean of influence in the relationship of two states. Dual identity suppresses political consciousness and diasporic community can't be active player in regard to partly hostland/partly homeland - Russia. Because of this passivity Russian Jews community-reversed diaspora becomes potential object of manipulation. The analysis of literature enables to come to the conclusion that Israel government doesn't use the community as the mean of influence. It can be explained by the fact that Israel government, despite dual Russian Jews community's identity, doesn't consider Russian Jews as diaspora, conversely it is considered integral part of Israel society. Whereas Russia is trying to ensure for itself possible means of manipulation through financial support for Russian Jews parties and provided permission to use Russia's mass media for Russian Jews community's purposes. It means that in prospect Russian Jews may become significant Russia's mean of influence to Israel.

The image of the radical Palestinian and Lithuanian political parties Hamas, Fatah and The party of Order and Justice is analysed through their leaders – Ahmed Yasin, Yasser Arafat and Rolandas Paksas. The author of the essay chose prism of the public relation and tried to reveal a way the Middle East – in the case Palestinian – and Lithuanian politics show their selves to the local and international communities. The author of the essay believes that young democracies have lots of common tendency in the radical politic case. The political speeches and programmes are not analyzed in the essay. The most important task is to reveal the semiotics discourse of the political body in the photography because it is believed that one picture can say more then a thousand words text. Of course, it is necessary to compare the way those pictures reflect the linguistic discourse because the linguistic corpus and the outlook must be integral. All of those leaders are exclusive, controversial political bodies, who are acting in the very different geographical and time planes, but have some generalities. All of them represent their political parties, ideas and all of them have crowds of fans. All of them had ambitious for the highest political post and all of them reached the task. In the different ways. It is very difficult to analyze such a different and distant in the meaning of time, geographic and culture ways political bodies, but the author chose this way because of the French semiotic Eric Landowski. He analyzed very different and casual advertisements, which had no commonalities. Using this method, he found out very interesting and unexpected points. Besides, those comparable discourses are used for the images of the political bodies. So, the author recurred the same method in this essay. There were few problems for the essay. First of all, there was no possibility to get the election material of the Palestinian parties, so the information was taken from the international media, which is not the same as in R. Paksas case. And the second is the barrier of the language and culture. It is a serious problem to analyze linguistic and non-linguistic texts through cultural distance. Nevertheless, the author of the essay tried to reveal the image of the Palestinian political parties through their leaders comparing their semiotics discourse. It was analyzed through Lithuanian case also. This essay let to prove the hypothesis that the political bodies of the young democracies use many common instruments to create the coveted image.

The image of the radical Palestinian and Lithuanian political parties Hamas, Fatah and The party of Order and Justice is analysed through their leaders – Ahmed Yasin, Yasser Arafat and Rolandas Paksas. The author of the essay chose prism of the public relation and tried to reveal a way the Middle East – in the case Palestinian – and Lithuanian politics show their selves to the local and international communities. The author of the essay believes that young democracies have lots of common tendency in the radical politic case. The political speeches and programmes are not analyzed in the essay. The most important task is to reveal the semiotics discourse of the political body in the photography because it is believed that one picture can say more then a thousand words text. Of course, it is necessary to compare the way those pictures reflect the linguistic discourse because the linguistic corpus and the outlook must be integral. All of those leaders are exclusive, controversial political bodies, who are acting in the very different geographical and time planes, but have some generalities. All of them represent their political parties, ideas and all of them have crowds of fans. All of them had ambitious for the highest political post and all of them reached the task. In the different ways. It is very difficult to analyze such a different and distant in the meaning of time, geographic and culture ways political bodies, but the author chose this way because of the French semiotic Eric Landowski. He analyzed very different and casual advertisements, which had no commonalities. Using this method, he found out very interesting and unexpected points. Besides, those comparable discourses are used for the images of the political bodies. So, the author recurred the same method in this essay. There were few problems for the essay. First of all, there was no possibility to get the election material of the Palestinian parties, so the information was taken from the international media, which is not the same as in R. Paksas case. And the second is the barrier of the language and culture. It is a serious problem to analyze linguistic and non-linguistic texts through cultural distance. Nevertheless, the author of the essay tried to reveal the image of the Palestinian political parties through their leaders comparing their semiotics discourse. It was analyzed through Lithuanian case also. This essay let to prove the hypothesis that the political bodies of the young democracies use many common instruments to create the coveted image.

It should be noted that any military action against Iran would receive not only a fierce response, but also revenge. For this purpose, Iran is preparing its weaponry and developing state and non-state networks in both the Middle East and beyond. The article is concluded with the statement that the current Iranian threat lies, first, in its ability to incite countries in the region against the U.S. and Israel and, second, in the Iranian defense capabilities. Presumably, the Iranian foreign policy is not directed towards attacking the U.S. and Israel. Apparently, the aggressive rhetoric, strong non-government and government ties, involvement in the management of Iraq and Afghanistan (and thus gained deterrent power) bring Iran to all its major foreign policy goals, and a direct attack would be difficult to rationalize not only in terms of the security policy, but also in regard to the religious doctrine.

It should be noted that any military action against Iran would receive not only a fierce response, but also revenge. For this purpose, Iran is preparing its weaponry and developing state and non-state networks in both the Middle East and beyond. The article is concluded with the statement that the current Iranian threat lies, first, in its ability to incite countries in the region against the U.S. and Israel and, second, in the Iranian defense capabilities. Presumably, the Iranian foreign policy is not directed towards attacking the U.S. and Israel. Apparently, the aggressive rhetoric, strong non-government and government ties, involvement in the management of Iraq and Afghanistan (and thus gained deterrent power) bring Iran to all its major foreign policy goals, and a direct attack would be difficult to rationalize not only in terms of the security policy, but also in regard to the religious doctrine.

It should be noted that any military action against Iran would receive not only a fierce response, but also revenge. For this purpose, Iran is preparing its weaponry and developing state and non-state networks in both the Middle East and beyond. The article is concluded with the statement that the current Iranian threat lies, first, in its ability to incite countries in the region against the U.S. and Israel and, second, in the Iranian defense capabilities. Presumably, the Iranian foreign policy is not directed towards attacking the U.S. and Israel. Apparently, the aggressive rhetoric, strong non-government and government ties, involvement in the management of Iraq and Afghanistan (and thus gained deterrent power) bring Iran to all its major foreign policy goals, and a direct attack would be difficult to rationalize not only in terms of the security policy, but also in regard to the religious doctrine.