Suchergebnisse

Fast growing network of national contacts in the Sino-Italian affairs builds the important layer of subnational bilateral relations. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the role of paradiplomatical cooperation between Italian and Chinese regions. This paper contains a short overview of bilateral Italian-Chinese relations in political, economic and social terms. Furthermore there is a description of competences of the regions in the Italian foreign policy in term of legal environment for the autonomous activities of Italian regions in the international arena. Moreover this paper contains the analyses of existing links between Italian and Chinese regions on the basis of a survey conducted among regional authorities from all Italian regions. Finally it contains the case of Umbria, as a region that active cooperation with China goes well beyond economic relations. ; Publication financed by the National Science Centre, Poland. (Project number: 2015/19/B/HS5/02534 entitled "Rola regionów w polityce Unii Europejskiej wobec Chin/ The Role of Regions in the European Union Policy towards China")

The last political elections in March 2018 highlighted the issues connected to mi-gration and the flows of political refugees, making them central issues in the polit-ical agenda and in the public opinion. The electoral consensus with League North (Lega Nord) and its leader Matteo Salvini has increased across 2018 following an anti-migration rhetoric. Within this discursive frame, the issues of Islam and Mus-lim communities have drawn particular attention through the stereotype of their incompatibility with Christian and Western cultures, and claims that Islam is a re-ligion based on terrorism. The xenophobic and anti-Islam climate fostered by the traditional political players from the right wing, Lega Nord and Fratelli d'Italia, by the extreme-right movements (Casa Pound and Forza Nuova), and by the most con-servative branches of the mass media, such as Il Giornale, has caused very negative effects on a social level, legitimising racist behaviours. Physical and verbal attacks on immigrants, asylum seekers, refugees, and Muslim citizens have increased in the north and south of Italy, leading to dramatic events such as the wounding by gun-shot of six migrants from Nigeria in Macerata on 3 February and the murder of a Senegalese street seller, Idy Diene (54), in Florence on 5 March. Moreover, as out-lined by research (see Vox Diritti), the hate speech towards Muslim communities has increased, reflecting the birth of a widespread hostility in Italian society towards cultural diversity. The response of civil society, the democratic associations, and an important part of the Catholic world has definitely been consistent, but it appears to be ineffective in terms of opposing this drift. The collaboration between these realities and Muslim NGO is becoming more and more urgent in order to contain the situation that is jeopardising the democratic structures and the future of civil coexistence in Italy.

The history of polio in Italy is relatively short because the particular social and demographic history of the country has actually compressed the most dramatic history of the polio epidemic into only 40 years, from the first severe epidemic just before World War II to the early 1980s, when the epidemic vanished thanks to an effective and country-wide vaccination campaign. The epidemic, however, had a formidable impact on medicine, public health, social attitudes and culture. An analysis of this case study can illustrate the impact of an epidemic of a severe disease on individual and collective life, and at the same time the efficacy of public health measures against it, and the importance of the social structure, state and private, in coping with the consequences of the epidemics. In this period, the attitude towards the handicapped changed from stigma and isolation to social integration, thanks especially to the changes in health legislation, social action and the initiatives of the patient' associations.

The history of polio in Italy is relatively short because the particular social and demographic history of the country has actually compressed the most dramatic history of the polio epidemic into only 40 years, from the first severe epidemic just before World War II to the early 1980s, when the epidemic vanished thanks to an effective and country-wide vaccination campaign. The epidemic, however, had a formidable impact on medicine, public health, social attitudes and culture. An analysis of this case study can illustrate the impact of an epidemic of a severe disease on individual and collective life, and at the same time the efficacy of public health measures against it, and the importance of the social structure, state and private, in coping with the consequences of the epidemics. In this period, the attitude towards the handicapped changed from stigma and isolation to social integration, thanks especially to the changes in health legislation, social action and the initiatives of the patient' associations.

pt. I. Politics.--pt. II. Civil question.--pt. III. Italy and the great war. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Appendixes: Fees for private aircraft at government airport.--Legislation concerning customs airports (From Royal decree no. 2207 of August 20, 1923, as amended)--Obligatory routes for passage over Italian boundaries.--Zones which are closed to civil and foreign air navigation (Ministerial decree of May 2, 1928)--Customs procedure (Extract from the Regulation for air navigation, Royal decree no. 356, dated January 11, 1925, as amended) ; "By Laurence E. Ring, Aeronautics trade division."--p. 1. ; At head of title: U. S. Department commerce. R. P. Lamont, secretary. Clarence M. Young, assistant secretary for aeronautics. Bureau of foreign and domestic commerce. William L. Cooper, director. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Focus on the Italian case: Italy abolished state subsidies to political parties, making it one of only two members of the European Union to not provide public funding. Since 1974 Italy has seen fragmented legislative initiatives and continuous amendments, instead of comprehensive reform.

Foreward.--Italy attacks Abyssinia.--The attitude of the British and French governments.--The economic causes of the drive for empire.--Imperialism and facism.--The League of Nations.--Abyssinia-and Italy.--The opposition to the war.--Is peace possible? ; Mode of access: Internet.

The paper intends to establish a summary of the policies of Theoderic, of his achievements and his failures, as well as the basic principies of his politics, which were far from negative to the evolution of his kingdom in Italy.

Over the seven decades considered in the chapter, the Italian wine industry has changed dramatically, from a dispersed production system mainly oriented to self- consumption of supply and the local market with low- value wines, to a modern industry able to satisfy an increasingly demanding domestic supply and very competitive international markets with a wide range of wines. The current situation is the result of a long process driven by many factors, acting inside and outside the sector, and mainly national and EU policies and changing domestic and international demand. The evolution of the sector happened in four different phases, marked by different drivers and characteristics. Each period is described focusing on grape growing, wine making, domestic consumption, exports and policies affecting the industry.

This article is a discussion of occupational cancer in Italy. The introduction provides the necessary context of Italian industrialization and occupational health regulation. This is followed by a review of Italian epidemiologic studies of occupational cancer risks considered in terms of relative measures of risk and attributable risk of carcinogenic agents or exposure circumstances. We attempt to establish the number of workers exposed to carcinogens in Italy and the intensity of their exposures. Finally, the Italian system of compensation for occupational cancer is discussed. Several cohort and case-control studies have addressed the issue of occupational risks, mostly among male workers. The results of these studies suggest that the growing incidence of and mortality by mesothelioma is explained by the widespread and intense exposure to asbestos in some Italian industrial settings. A high attributable risk of lung tumors among male populations in industrial areas of northern Italy is explained by occupational exposures. However, insufficient data are available for clear definition of the extent and intensity of occupational exposure to carcinogenic substances. In Italy, we must prioritize and maximize resources in occupational cancer epidemiology and revitalize the role of national institutions. Recent legislation has established new regulations on the handling of carcinogenic substances in industrial settings, a new list of occupational diseases, and a national registry of mesothelioma linked to asbestos exposure. These legislative changes are expected to have positive effects.

The moral reason of our war, by G. del Vecchio.--The national ideal and the duty of Italy; by P. Fedozzi.--The political reasons of our war, by P. Bonfante.--The rights of Italy over the Alps and the Adriatic, by C. Errere.--The unredeemed provinces in the history of Italy, by P. S. Leicht.--The national struggle in the unreddemed provinces, by L. Bianchi.--Denunciation of the treaty of the Triple alliance, by P. Fedozzi.--Italy's war and Italy's wealth, by G. Arias.--Necessity and reason for the present war with Turkey, by A. Solmi.--Artes et arma, by G. Albini. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Along with a number of other countries, particularly those in southern Europe, Italy has only been a receiving country for international immigration for about 25 years. Italy itself has a long tradition of emigration and it is estimated that there are currently about 60 million Italian emigrants all over the world. In Italian Law, the concept of "immigrant" first appeared as recently as 1986. Previously there was only the general juridical type of the "foreigner", whose residence within the national boundaries was governed by public security law. In the Italian public discourse, up to the end of the 1980s, "immigrants" were internal migrants from less developed southern regions ("Mezzogiorno") who moved towards the more dynamic areas of Northern Italy, a huge phenomenon throughout the twentieth century, and particularly intense in the "golden period" of the industrial development (from the 1950s and the first half of the 1970s): initially migration was mainly towards the so called "industrial triangle" (Milan-Turin-Genoa), afterwards it was also towards the central and north-eastern regions, characterized by the growth of small companies and industrial districts. Based on a historical analysis, we know that today's aversions and oppositions towards foreign immigrants were directed to migrants from the south of Italy in the past. However, in those times immigration was not a central issue in the political debate, essentially because the internal migrants were citizens and voters and they might be employed as civil servants. The phenomenon of international migration has therefore developed in a national context characterized by certain aspects that should be taken into account throughout the analysis.

This article discusses how the Made in Italy brand helped Italy to recover from economic recession in the 1980s, but also how it redefined the country's identity after the traumatic years of terrorism and especially after the murder of the Christian Democratic Party Secretary, Aldo Moro, at the hands of the Red Brigades. In this period cinema as a form of artistic achievement declined, while fashion and industrial design moved at the centre stage of economic and creative success. The rampant consumerism of the 1980s, fuelled by tax reforms that favoured a wider urban middle class, the retreat of unionism, the abandonment of collective bargaining in many industrial sectors, industrial restructuring with the consequent growth of black market economy in the provincial areas of the so-called Third Italy first and the South later, were all factors that contributed to a social and economic shift within Italy itself. Commercial consumption, propagated by the proliferation of local commercial television networks, hedonism and a re-articulation of identity through appearance replaced the 1970s' political activism and ideological opposition to fashion. Ultimately, 'Made in Italy' was a multidimensional phenomenon that presented itself as a new cultural model for the country's political tribes of the 1970s.

One in twenty Australians has ancestral connections to Italy, connections that continue to be activated today through music as well as through language, food and sociality. This volume brings together a collection of essays tracing the diverse origins of the musical practices brought by Australia's Italians and the subsequent influences of commercial music, government policies, and ongoing transnational relationships with family and paesani (those from the same town or village). Responses by scholars from Italy and elsewhere in the Anglophone diaspora provide additional perspective on the significance of these phenomena.