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Relying on diversity measures computed at the apartment block level under conditions of exogenous allocation of public housing in France, this paper identifies the effects of ethnic diversity on social relationships and housing quality. Housing Survey data reveal that diversity induces social anomie. Through the channel of anomie, diversity accounts for the inability of residents to sanction others for vandalism and to act collectively to demand proper building maintenance. However, anomie also lowers opportunities for violent confrontations, which are not related to diversity.

Relying on diversity measures computed at the apartment block level under conditions of exogenous allocation of public housing in France, this paper identifies the effects of ethnic diversity on social relationships and housing quality. Housing Survey data reveal that diversity induces social anomie. Through the channel of anomie, diversity accounts for the inability of residents to sanction others for vandalism and to act collectively to demand proper building maintenance. However, anomie also lowers opportunities for violent confrontations, which are not related to diversity.

We consider the division of a territory into administrative districts responsible for providing a set of goods and services to residents who aresensitive to service congestion. We deduce the optimal architecture of public governance (i.e. the division of government into several levels, thedistribution of services among them, their number of jurisdictions and the size of their administrations), which depends on how citizens weigh theperformance capacity of administrations and the services they produce. We compare it to a decentralized organization where each jurisdiction is free to choose the size and scope of its administration. The resulting architecture generally involves more countries with fewer levels of administration than the optimal one. We use our results to estimate citizen preferences using U.S. data. We find that the country is divided into two zones ("Northeast & West" and "Midwest & South") whose estimated values are statistically different.

We consider the division of a territory into administrative districts responsible for providing a set of goods and services to residents who aresensitive to service congestion. We deduce the optimal architecture of public governance (i.e. the division of government into several levels, thedistribution of services among them, their number of jurisdictions and the size of their administrations), which depends on how citizens weigh theperformance capacity of administrations and the services they produce. We compare it to a decentralized organization where each jurisdiction is free to choose the size and scope of its administration. The resulting architecture generally involves more countries with fewer levels of administration than the optimal one. We use our results to estimate citizen preferences using U.S. data. We find that the country is divided into two zones ("Northeast & West" and "Midwest & South") whose estimated values are statistically different.

We consider the division of a territory into administrative districts responsible for providing a set of goods and services to residents who aresensitive to service congestion. We deduce the optimal architecture of public governance (i.e. the division of government into several levels, thedistribution of services among them, their number of jurisdictions and the size of their administrations), which depends on how citizens weigh theperformance capacity of administrations and the services they produce. We compare it to a decentralized organization where each jurisdiction is free to choose the size and scope of its administration. The resulting architecture generally involves more countries with fewer levels of administration than the optimal one. We use our results to estimate citizen preferences using U.S. data. We find that the country is divided into two zones ("Northeast & West" and "Midwest & South") whose estimated values are statistically different.

We consider the division of a territory into administrative districts responsible for providing a set of goods and services to residents who aresensitive to service congestion. We deduce the optimal architecture of public governance (i.e. the division of government into several levels, thedistribution of services among them, their number of jurisdictions and the size of their administrations), which depends on how citizens weigh theperformance capacity of administrations and the services they produce. We compare it to a decentralized organization where each jurisdiction is free to choose the size and scope of its administration. The resulting architecture generally involves more countries with fewer levels of administration than the optimal one. We use our results to estimate citizen preferences using U.S. data. We find that the country is divided into two zones ("Northeast & West" and "Midwest & South") whose estimated values are statistically different.

We consider the division of a territory into administrative districts responsible for providing a set of goods and services to residents who aresensitive to service congestion. We deduce the optimal architecture of public governance (i.e. the division of government into several levels, thedistribution of services among them, their number of jurisdictions and the size of their administrations), which depends on how citizens weigh theperformance capacity of administrations and the services they produce. We compare it to a decentralized organization where each jurisdiction is free to choose the size and scope of its administration. The resulting architecture generally involves more countries with fewer levels of administration than the optimal one. We use our results to estimate citizen preferences using U.S. data. We find that the country is divided into two zones ("Northeast & West" and "Midwest & South") whose estimated values are statistically different.

We consider the division of a territory into administrative districts responsible for providing a set of goods and services to residents who aresensitive to service congestion. We deduce the optimal architecture of public governance (i.e. the division of government into several levels, thedistribution of services among them, their number of jurisdictions and the size of their administrations), which depends on how citizens weigh theperformance capacity of administrations and the services they produce. We compare it to a decentralized organization where each jurisdiction is free to choose the size and scope of its administration. The resulting architecture generally involves more countries with fewer levels of administration than the optimal one. We use our results to estimate citizen preferences using U.S. data. We find that the country is divided into two zones ("Northeast & West" and "Midwest & South") whose estimated values are statistically different.

We consider the division of a territory into administrative districts responsible for providing a set of goods and services to residents who aresensitive to service congestion. We deduce the optimal architecture of public governance (i.e. the division of government into several levels, thedistribution of services among them, their number of jurisdictions and the size of their administrations), which depends on how citizens weigh theperformance capacity of administrations and the services they produce. We compare it to a decentralized organization where each jurisdiction is free to choose the size and scope of its administration. The resulting architecture generally involves more countries with fewer levels of administration than the optimal one. We use our results to estimate citizen preferences using U.S. data. We find that the country is divided into two zones ("Northeast & West" and "Midwest & South") whose estimated values are statistically different.

This paper demonstrates the effects of ethnic diversity on social relationships and the quality of public goods at a very finite neighborhood level. We use detailed block level data on diversity and housing quality from a representative survey on housing in France. We show how and to what extent diversity within a neighborhood can directly affect household well-being and the quality of the common spaces, whereas the previous literature looks at more aggregate outcomes through voting channels. Our identification strategy to address the bias from endogenous residential sorting relies on the exogeneity of public housing allocations with respect to ethnic characteristics in France. Diversity is shown to have a negative effect on the quality of local public goods, either due to vandalism, not deterred by other-regarding preferences and social policing, or due to collective action failure to ensure effective property management. However, we find that diversity has no robust effect on public safety at a local level and, if anything, is more related to social anomie.

This paper demonstrates the effects of ethnic diversity on social relationships and the quality of public goods at a very finite neighborhood level. We use detailed block level data on diversity and housing quality from a representative survey on housing in France. We show how and to what extent diversity within a neighborhood can directly affect household well-being and the quality of the common spaces, whereas the previous literature looks at more aggregate outcomes through voting channels. Our identification strategy to address the bias from endogenous residential sorting relies on the exogeneity of public housing allocations with respect to ethnic characteristics in France. Diversity is shown to have a negative effect on the quality of local public goods, either due to vandalism, not deterred by other-regarding preferences and social policing, or due to collective action failure to ensure effective property management. However, we find that diversity has no robust effect on public safety at a local level and, if anything, is more related to social anomie.

This paper shows that cross country differences in the generosity and the quality of the welfare state are associated with differences in the trustworthiness of their citizens. We show that generous, transparent and efficient welfare states in Scandinavian countries are based on the civicness of their citizens. In contrast, the generosity but low transparency of the Continental European welfare states survive thanks to the support of a large share of uncivic individuals who consider that it can be justifiable to misbehave with taxes and social benefits. We also explain why countries with an intermediate degree of trustworthiness of their citizens and of transparency of the government, like Anglo-Saxon countries, have small welfare states. Overall, this paper provides a rationale for the observed persistence of both efficient and inefficient welfare states, as a function of the civicness of the citizens.

This paper shows that cross country differences in the generosity and the quality of the welfare state are associated with differences in the trustworthiness of their citizens. We show that generous, transparent and efficient welfare states in Scandinavian countries are based on the civicness of their citizens. In contrast, the generosity but low transparency of the Continental European welfare states survive thanks to the support of a large share of uncivic individuals who consider that it can be justifiable to misbehave with taxes and social benefits. We also explain why countries with an intermediate degree of trustworthiness of their citizens and of transparency of the government, like Anglo-Saxon countries, have small welfare states. Overall, this paper provides a rationale for the observed persistence of both efficient and inefficient welfare states, as a function of the civicness of the citizens.

This paper shows that cross country differences in the generosity and the quality of the welfare state are associated with differences in the trustworthiness of their citizens. We show that generous, transparent and efficient welfare states in Scandinavian countries are based on the civicness of their citizens. In contrast, the generosity but low transparency of the Continental European welfare states survive thanks to the support of a large share of uncivic individuals who consider that it can be justifiable to misbehave with taxes and social benefits. We also explain why countries with an intermediate degree of trustworthiness of their citizens and of transparency of the government, like Anglo-Saxon countries, have small welfare states. Overall, this paper provides a rationale for the observed persistence of both efficient and inefficient welfare states, as a function of the civicness of the citizens.

This paper shows that cross country differences in the generosity and the quality of the welfare state are associated with differences in the trustworthiness of their citizens. We show that generous, transparent and efficient welfare states in Scandinavian countries are based on the civicness of their citizens. In contrast, the generosity but low transparency of the Continental European welfare states survive thanks to the support of a large share of uncivic individuals who consider that it can be justifiable to misbehave with taxes and social benefits. We also explain why countries with an intermediate degree of trustworthiness of their citizens and of transparency of the government, like Anglo-Saxon countries, have small welfare states. Overall, this paper provides a rationale for the observed persistence of both efficient and inefficient welfare states, as a function of the civicness of the citizens.