Suchergebnisse

We consider commuting in a congested urban area. While an efficient time-varying toll may eliminate queuing, a toll may not be politically feasible. We study the benefit of a substitute: a parking fee at the workplace. An optimal time-varying parking fee is charged at zero rate when there is queuing and eliminates queuing when the rate is non-zero. Within certain limits, inability to charge some drivers for parking does not reduce the potential welfare gain. Drivers who cannot be charged travel when there is queuing. In some cases, interaction between morning and evening commutes can be exploited to remove queuing completely.

Report of the One-Hundred and Second Round Table on Transport Economics Held in Paris on 9-19 May 1996 ; International audience ; How can travel behaviour be reorganised in order to reduce the consumption of environmental resources arising from daily mobility? The term "environmental resources" is used here to refer to the nuisances daily mobility creates with regard to the quality of life, the local and global environment and the land and energy consumed by transport activities. Several options would seem to be open: - Demand for transport could be shifted away from individual road vehicles towards modes that are less wasteful of resources per passenger-kilometre; - The volume of emissions generated by the road transport sector could be reduced through technological and organisational innovations within this sector; - Growth in the number of kilometres travelled by motor vehicles could be reduced or at least slowed.Our discussion will focus on daily mobility in urban areas and the catchment area, i.e. the areas in which the bulk of the population lives. It should, nonetheless, be borne in mind that urban trips, in the strict sense of the term, and regional trips, which take account of the emergence of city regions, only account for a portion of the total number of passenger kilometres travelled (in France, such trips accounted for approximately half of the total in 1990, for all surface modes and air). The scale of this daily mobility in urban areas and the scope for achieving a modal shift from the car to public transport and non-motorised modes (walking and cycling), make daily mobility the ideal target for action. This report therefore does not prejudge the complementary, but probably different, measures that will need to be taken with regard to business or long-distance recreational mobility; the latter often requires use of the same infrastructure as that used for daily mobility, infrastructure that is also used for the transport of road freight.

Report of the One-Hundred and Second Round Table on Transport Economics Held in Paris on 9-19 May 1996 ; International audience ; How can travel behaviour be reorganised in order to reduce the consumption of environmental resources arising from daily mobility? The term "environmental resources" is used here to refer to the nuisances daily mobility creates with regard to the quality of life, the local and global environment and the land and energy consumed by transport activities. Several options would seem to be open: - Demand for transport could be shifted away from individual road vehicles towards modes that are less wasteful of resources per passenger-kilometre; - The volume of emissions generated by the road transport sector could be reduced through technological and organisational innovations within this sector; - Growth in the number of kilometres travelled by motor vehicles could be reduced or at least slowed.Our discussion will focus on daily mobility in urban areas and the catchment area, i.e. the areas in which the bulk of the population lives. It should, nonetheless, be borne in mind that urban trips, in the strict sense of the term, and regional trips, which take account of the emergence of city regions, only account for a portion of the total number of passenger kilometres travelled (in France, such trips accounted for approximately half of the total in 1990, for all surface modes and air). The scale of this daily mobility in urban areas and the scope for achieving a modal shift from the car to public transport and non-motorised modes (walking and cycling), make daily mobility the ideal target for action. This report therefore does not prejudge the complementary, but probably different, measures that will need to be taken with regard to business or long-distance recreational mobility; the latter often requires use of the same infrastructure as that used for daily mobility, infrastructure that is also used for the transport of road freight.

Report of the One-Hundred and Second Round Table on Transport Economics Held in Paris on 9-19 May 1996 ; International audience ; How can travel behaviour be reorganised in order to reduce the consumption of environmental resources arising from daily mobility? The term "environmental resources" is used here to refer to the nuisances daily mobility creates with regard to the quality of life, the local and global environment and the land and energy consumed by transport activities. Several options would seem to be open: - Demand for transport could be shifted away from individual road vehicles towards modes that are less wasteful of resources per passenger-kilometre; - The volume of emissions generated by the road transport sector could be reduced through technological and organisational innovations within this sector; - Growth in the number of kilometres travelled by motor vehicles could be reduced or at least slowed.Our discussion will focus on daily mobility in urban areas and the catchment area, i.e. the areas in which the bulk of the population lives. It should, nonetheless, be borne in mind that urban trips, in the strict sense of the term, and regional trips, which take account of the emergence of city regions, only account for a portion of the total number of passenger kilometres travelled (in France, such trips accounted for approximately half of the total in 1990, for all surface modes and air). The scale of this daily mobility in urban areas and the scope for achieving a modal shift from the car to public transport and non-motorised modes (walking and cycling), make daily mobility the ideal target for action. This report therefore does not prejudge the complementary, but probably different, measures that will need to be taken with regard to business or long-distance recreational mobility; the latter often requires use of the same infrastructure as that used for daily mobility, infrastructure that is also used for the transport of road freight.

International audience ; By analyzing the population growth at the top of the urban hierarchy, we test two hypothesis explaining the rise of mega-cities: trade and political institutions. We nd that democratic institutions are the main factor behind the concentration of a nation's urban population in the main city. Contrary to the literature, we nd that extractive institutions reduce the size of the biggest city.

International audience ; By analyzing the population growth at the top of the urban hierarchy, we test two hypothesis explaining the rise of mega-cities: trade and political institutions. We nd that democratic institutions are the main factor behind the concentration of a nation's urban population in the main city. Contrary to the literature, we nd that extractive institutions reduce the size of the biggest city.

This paper provides some elements to explain the observed takeover in some urban areas of a new kind of elite associated with new economy jobs, also known as "bourgeois bohème" (bobos). This takeover has been associated with greater investment in urban amenities and "clean" means of transport, with adverse e¤ects on commuting time. The model allows us to explain those developments by productivity is growth in the new economy, and by the di¤erences in production processes between the new and old economies. The consequences of bobo takeover for house prices and employment of unskilled service workers are also discussed. A bunkerized equilibrium in which skilled workers in the old economy no longer reside in the city and have been replaced by service workers is studied. In such an equilibrium urban amenities are at their maximum and commuting .ows have been eliminated. For some parameter values, bobos are better-o¤ under bunkerization, in which case they may gain by favoring it with a "diversity" subsidy for unskilled workers to reside in the city.

This paper provides some elements to explain the observed takeover in some urban areas of a new kind of elite associated with new economy jobs, also known as "bourgeois bohème" (bobos). This takeover has been associated with greater investment in urban amenities and "clean" means of transport, with adverse e¤ects on commuting time. The model allows us to explain those developments by productivity is growth in the new economy, and by the di¤erences in production processes between the new and old economies. The consequences of bobo takeover for house prices and employment of unskilled service workers are also discussed. A bunkerized equilibrium in which skilled workers in the old economy no longer reside in the city and have been replaced by service workers is studied. In such an equilibrium urban amenities are at their maximum and commuting .ows have been eliminated. For some parameter values, bobos are better-o¤ under bunkerization, in which case they may gain by favoring it with a "diversity" subsidy for unskilled workers to reside in the city.

This paper provides some elements to explain the observed takeover in some urban areas of a new kind of elite associated with new economy jobs, also known as "bourgeois bohème" (bobos). This takeover has been associated with greater investment in urban amenities and "clean" means of transport, with adverse e¤ects on commuting time. The model allows us to explain those developments by productivity is growth in the new economy, and by the di¤erences in production processes between the new and old economies. The consequences of bobo takeover for house prices and employment of unskilled service workers are also discussed. A bunkerized equilibrium in which skilled workers in the old economy no longer reside in the city and have been replaced by service workers is studied. In such an equilibrium urban amenities are at their maximum and commuting .ows have been eliminated. For some parameter values, bobos are better-o¤ under bunkerization, in which case they may gain by favoring it with a "diversity" subsidy for unskilled workers to reside in the city.

This paper provides some elements to explain the observed takeover in some urban areas of a new kind of elite associated with new economy jobs, also known as "bourgeois bohème" (bobos). This takeover has been associated with greater investment in urban amenities and "clean" means of transport, with adverse e¤ects on commuting time. The model allows us to explain those developments by productivity is growth in the new economy, and by the di¤erences in production processes between the new and old economies. The consequences of bobo takeover for house prices and employment of unskilled service workers are also discussed. A bunkerized equilibrium in which skilled workers in the old economy no longer reside in the city and have been replaced by service workers is studied. In such an equilibrium urban amenities are at their maximum and commuting .ows have been eliminated. For some parameter values, bobos are better-o¤ under bunkerization, in which case they may gain by favoring it with a "diversity" subsidy for unskilled workers to reside in the city.

This paper provides some elements to explain the observed takeover in some urban areas of a new kind of elite associated with new economy jobs, also known as "bourgeois bohème" (bobos). This takeover has been associated with greater investment in urban amenities and "clean" means of transport, with adverse e¤ects on commuting time. The model allows us to explain those developments by productivity is growth in the new economy, and by the di¤erences in production processes between the new and old economies. The consequences of bobo takeover for house prices and employment of unskilled service workers are also discussed. A bunkerized equilibrium in which skilled workers in the old economy no longer reside in the city and have been replaced by service workers is studied. In such an equilibrium urban amenities are at their maximum and commuting .ows have been eliminated. For some parameter values, bobos are better-o¤ under bunkerization, in which case they may gain by favoring it with a "diversity" subsidy for unskilled workers to reside in the city.