Suchergebnisse

This study considers the political aspects of the Joko Widodo government's megaproject to build an integrated marine logistic system known as the tol laut. Expanding the existing literature which gives details about the contextual obstacles faced by and the prospects for the Indonesian government to pursue its infrastructure ambitions, the study argues that notwithstanding the relevance of the tol laut for advancing the Indonesian economy, it is inevitably entangled with dynamic internal and external environments which can unfavourably distort the construction processes. This is the way of understanding the political economy of Indonesia's development issues which allows for the juxtaposition of domestic political and international relations factors as its framework of analysis. The discussion is divided into four sections. Section one explains the conceptual and methodological foundation of the study. Section two outlines the importance of the tol laut to Indonesian national economic development. Section three looks at how the current domestic political settings pose structural hurdles to Widodo's tol laut, and section four observes the effect of international relations of powerful regional actors and Jakarta's diplomatic capacity to the on-going tol laut. The concluding section summarizes the findings of the study.

Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.

The Iran's nuclear development draw the intention of The United States of America's President to take action as a form of security. It happens as the nuclear development was being suspected to has a purpose not only for power resource and science, but also might be used as a weapon. This then, the Iran's nuclear development causing concern to the USA which is considered this would threaten their national security and international security. This concern raising because the opinion of Iran would used their nuclear as a Weapon Mass Destruction (WMD) that could kill thousand of people and causing a total damage. It makes the USA to take action in the form of foreign policy making in order to stop the Iran's nuclear development. During the President George Walker Bush's term, the policies that were made were judge to focus on the use of hard power. Meanwhile, during the President Barack Hussein Obama II's term, the policies that were made were considered to tend to use soft power. The difference in policies choice that seen between this two president's term, is influenced by some factors which influence in policy making process.

United Kingdom (UK) counter-terrorism strategy or known as CONTEST is government respond to threat of terrorism using four workstreams including Pursue, Prevent, Protect, and Prepare. Each workstreams representing target which UK's government is trying to achieve success indicators. Security means different thing to different states and is used to respond threat accordingly. CONTEST published in 2011 can be categorized in proactive approach as UK's effort to support mainstream Islam as part of government propaganda using programs under Prevent workstream. Proactive approach warned by scholar to have negative impact as it promotes group cohesion and self-sacrifice attitude from terrorism sympathizer. Furthermore, research findings about factors behind success and failure of counter-terrorism strategy one of them mention society relationship and trust towards government. However, according to data reviewing programs under CONTEST 2011, writer finds stigmatization towards Muslim community. Hence the failure of Prevent to achieve its success indicator become one of the motive endorses UK's foreign fighters involvement in Syria during 2011-2015.

Fenomena politik luar negeri merupakan salah satu kajian utama dalam bidang studi Hubungan Internasional (HI). Persoalan mendasar yang kemudian muncul adalah, masih kurangnya buku-buku yang terbit terkait dengan analisis politik luar negeri Indonesia, terutama dalam konteks kekinian. Buku-buku rujukan mengenai politik luar negeri Indonesia selama ini adalah tulisan-tulisan Mochtar Mas'oed, Leo Suryadinata, ataupun beberapa artikel Michael Leifer, Dewi Fortuna Anwar, maupun Rizal Sukma. Tulisan kontemporer yang juga biasanya dijadikan rujukan adalah tulisan yang disusun oleh Ganewati Wuryandari pada tahun 2008, dengan judul Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia Di Tengah Pusaran Politik Domestik. Persoalannya, buku-buku maupun artikel-artikel yang membahas mengenai politik luar negeri Indonesia biasanya berangkat dari kajian mengenai Orde Lama dan Orde Baru, ataupun ketika membahas Reformasi, belum sampai pada kajian mengenai politik luar negeri era Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, baik mengenai analisis situasional maupun tantangan yang dihadapi ke depan. Tulisan ini lebih merupakan panduan bagi mahasiswa, analis, maupun orang-orang yang tertarik dengan politik luar negeri Indonesia, terutama di era kontemporer kepemimpinan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Oleh karenanya, setiap bagian dalam konteks selalu dibantu dengan memunculkan studi kasus dalam bentuk analisis politik luar negeri Indonesia

This book consists of two sections. The first section focused on the rise of Hamas as the most important and popular group in Palestine especially after the general elections of 2006. Using social movement theories as the framework for analysis, this section seeks to investigate the causes and consequences of the rise of Hamas. It is examined the causes of the continuing rise of Hamas by looking especially at the views and strategies of the Muslim Brotherhood as a mother organization of Hamas in Palestine that has been involved in the Arab - Israeli conflict since 1936. The second section examines Indonesian foreign policy on the Arab - Israeli conflict. This conflict has been concerned by the Government of Indonesia since Indonesian independence because of two reasons: firstly, a domestic sentiment especially coming from Indonesian Muslim; and secondly, the involvement of the major powers in the world in this conflict. The government response to the conflict is based on the views that Israel has occupied Palestinian territory illegally. Indonesia also has supported Palestinian independence state. However, how the regimes have realized this policy in the history of Indonesian foreign policy on this conflict is not similar. The differences are shaped by domestic politics and international considerations.

The article analyses the ways African migrations determine the construction of the African Diasporas, in order to understand the possibility of consolidation of a decentralized World, beyond the Nation-State. It examines the African migrations and their iaspora throughout history, while taking into account essentially two temporal axes: thecontemporary history of the 20th Century and the slave-trade epoch (ss. XV-XIX); as well as the socio-cultural, economic and political impacts (or legacy) of these African Diasporas in their destination countries. ; El artículo analiza las formas como las migraciones africanas son determinantes para la formación de las diásporas africanas, con el fin de aprehender la posibilidad de la consolidación de un mundo descentralizado, más allá de las fronteras y los limes fijos que encajan en la lógica del Estado-Nación. Se trata de examinar las migraciones diaspóricas de origen africano a lo largo de la historia, teniendo en cuenta esencialmente dos ejes temporales: la historia contemporánea del siglo XX y los tiempos de la esclavización (XV-XIX); igual que los impactos socioculturales, económicos y políticos estas diásporas africanas en sus países de acogida.

Peruvian voters abroad have participated for 36 years in domestic elections. This community has a political and economic agenda which is not represented in the Peruvian legislature. The Peruvian political elites neglect that the current institutional design disregards this group. Peruvian voters abroad have a particular set of offers and demands related to the migrant reality. This article analyzes the political engineering of the representation of voters abroad in the Peruvian electoral design and compares it to other political scenarios. Sinceother countries with similar voting populations such as Croatia and Ecuador have special constituencies of national residents living abroad, it is paradoxical that Peru has not yet one.The study shows the inconsistencies of the arguments that have hindered the creation ofthe special district of Peruvians voters abroad and discusses proposals for an applied reform. ; Los peruanos en el exterior vienen participando 36 años en los procesos electorales del Perú. Esta comunidad tiene un potencial político y económico que no se representa en el Legislativo peruano. El actual diseño político institucional obvia que este grupo tiene un conjunto de ofertas y demandas particulares de la realidad migrante que las élites políticas desatienden. En el presente artículo se discute la representación de los peruanos en el exterior en el diseño legislativo electoral peruano y se evalúa en perspectiva comparada. Existen nueve países en el mundo, como Croacia y Ecuador, que tienen circunscripciones especiales de residentes en el exterior. El estudio explora propuestas electorales aplicadas para la creación de la circunscripción especial de peruanos en el exterior.

This study investigates the types and characteristics of firms with politically connected directors in the boards of the company. The study uses data from all firms listed in Indonesia Stock Exchange spanning from 2004 to 2006. This study employs univariate analyses to address the research questions. The finding shows that firms with political connections are prevalence in chemical, infrastructure, investment, and miscellaneous industry. Furthermore, firm size is the only variable which significantly affects the probability of being politically connected firms. Specifically, larger firms are more likely to be politically connected. This study implies that the size of the firms is an important determinant in establishing political connections in Indonesia. © Iman Harymawan, Dian Agustia, Ardyan Kusuma Agung, 2017.

This article shows the contradictory and slow manner that the reunified Germany have tried to have his place as actor in the new international and global order until the fall of the Wall. First from their participation in the different international conflicts and through the problems that this meant in the German intern policy and then it was important tocheck their actuals actions and defies on the basis of important debates —civil power versus political realism— not only in Germany but too on the outside. Although from the economic point of view is the strongest country in Europe and his political realism increases, is not like the others European powers precisely for his role in the two worldwars, the nacionalsocialist dictatorship and the holocaust, and till today Germany must be considered, a special great power in the world scenery. ; El artículo muestra el lento y contradictorio posicionamiento de la Alemania unificada como actor en el nuevo escenario internacional y global desde la caída del Muro. Primero, a partir de su participación en los conflictos internacionales desde la reunificación y los problemas que supuso al interior de la política alemana, y segundo, de la evaluación de su accionar y sus desafíos actuales de mano de debates importantes en política exterior –poder civil versus realismo político‒ dentro y fuera de Alemania. A pesar de ser el país más fuerte en términos económicos y de su aumento en mecanismos propios de una potencia que se maneja con creciente realismo político, no es como cualquier otra potencia europea precisamente por su papel en las dos guerras mundiales, la dictadura nacionalsocialista y el Holocausto: aún hoy se debe hablar de Alemania como una potencia especial en el concierto mundial.