Suchergebnisse

Over 25 years have passed since the defeat and unconditional surrender of Imperial Japan in August 1945. During the intervening years she has been rebuilt into an economic superpower, but, unlike other superpowers, one rejecting military force as a means of foreign policy. Much of this reluctance to rearm has been based on the ability of Japan to rely on the United States-Japan Security Treaty to deter direct external aggression.

This research report was written as part of an 11-week internship at the Royal Australian Air Force Air Power Development Centre, conducted through the Australian National Internships Program (ANIP) with the Australian National University. Due to proposed amendments to Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, it is possible that previous restrictions on the employment of Japan's military capabilities may be relaxed. Changes resulting from amendments to Article 9 will potentially open up new opportunities for the Australian Defence Force (ADF) and Japanese Self-Defense Force (JSDF) to work towards greater cooperation and interoperability. This report analyses key areas of opportunity for greater ADF-JSDF engagement after potential changes to Article 9 have been instituted, while also identifying areas of risk that could potentially occur. These predictions for the future of the ADF-JSDF relationship are grounded in analysis of past and current ADF-JSDF engagement, translation of key Japanese defence documents and information gained from interviews conducted with stakeholders in the debate. In this paper, areas of opportunity that have been identified are as follows:  Cooperation during peace-keeping operations (PKOs)  Exercises and training conducted under the auspice of common interests, such as Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI) or counter-terrorism  'Marine peacekeeping' with a focus on protection of the Malacca Strait  Bilateral training between the Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) and the JASDF (Japan Air Self-Defense Force) Further, areas of risk that must be mitigated in order to achieve a closer defence relationship are as follows:  Managing Australia's relationship with both Japan and China, through assuring China that closer Australia-Japan defence ties do not constitute a security alliance  Communication issues and lack of trust during operations  Slow 'flow-on' effect of changes, resulting in predominantly defence-only operations remaining as the bulk of engagement for the foreseeable future The implementation of changes to Article 9 is likely to occur over a long period of time. However, the potential for a rewarding defence relationship between the ADF and JSDF does exist if both countries can move past existing constraints and engage in operational engagement as early as possible.

Developments in the Australia-Japan strategic relationship in recent years have marked a change in nature of the Australia-Japan relationship. The two countries have never been so involved in matters of security, partly due to memories of Japan's actions in World War II (WWII) and the emphasis on trade relations during the Cold War. It was not until the end of the Cold War did the strategic relationship start to make progress outside intelligence cooperation. The major factor explaining for the post-Cold War development of the Australia-Japan strategic relationship was the move by Japan to make an 'international contribution' that reflected its status as the second largest economy. The actives that could be conducted by the Japanese Self-Defense Force (JSDF) had been and continue to be constrained due to the incorporation of Article 9 in the Japanese Constitution. Established during the American-led occupation of Japan following the end of WWII, the purpose of Article 9 was to take away Japan's ability to wage war. This had the effect of greatly restricting Japan's ability to be involved in any operation not directly related to the defence of Japan, meaning that JSDF involvement in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UNPKO) was not possible. However, following the first Gulf War, the establishment on the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations Law (UNPKO Law) in 1992, allowed for the deployment of the JSDF to UNPKO and disaster relief operations. It was this move by Japan that resulted in an increase in the number of times the Australian Defence Force (ADF) and the JSDF operated together in the same theatre. ADF-JSDF cooperation in UNPKO such as in Cambodia and East Timor, as well as in coalitions such as the one in Iraq is widely recognised as being significant for development of the Australia-Japan strategic relationship. Increased instances of ADF-JSDF cooperation on the ground has been reflected in a greater number of Australia-Japan security agreements that have been established in an attempt to formalise the strategic relationship. The 2007 Joint Declaration on Security Cooperation signed by the Howard and Abe governments was important as it established a framework for closer security cooperation and marked the first time Japan had entered into a security agreement with any country other than the United States (US). By formalising the Australia-Japan strategic relationship through the 2007 Joint Declaration, a link between Australia and Japan was made within the context of their respective alliances with the US. This link resulted in the view that a trilateral strategic relationship between Australia, Japan and the US was in development, and could result in an alliance. Additionally, moves by Japan in particular, to involve democratic value-sharing countries in a strategic relationship that included India had the consequence of making the purpose of the 2007 Joint Declaration a means to contain China's influence in the Asia-Pacific region. It was not until the Rudd Government came into power in late 2007 did the Australia-Japan strategic relationship become refined. The 2008 Memorandum on Defence Cooperation set the agenda for future ADF-JSDF collaboration in international peace cooperation activities. According to the Memorandum, the ADF-JSDF collaboration was to progress in four areas: peacekeeping operations; disaster relief; combating international terrorism; and in the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI). This agenda reflected past ADF-JSDF collaboration and demonstrated an understanding that such collaboration was most meaningful and practical in operations of low intensity. Subsequent developments in the Australia-Japan strategic relationship have supported this move. The 2010 Australia-Japan Acquisition and Cross- Servicing Agreement (ACSA), which allows for the exchange of goods and services during joint training exercises, is one such development. In addition to military exchanges and joint training exercises, the ACSA is a means to enhance the interoperability between the ADF and JSDF, allowing for closer cooperation in operations. There is much potential in the ACSA to iron out some of the gaps in the capabilities between the two forces, in part due to the constraints placed on the JSDF by Article 9. Although the ACSA has not been applied as of yet, possibilities lie in the Australian-led Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) and the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste (UNMIT). It is in the direction of practical collaboration in international peace cooperation activities that the ADF-JSDF will continue to develop.

"Based on extensive Japanese-language materials, this book is the first to examine the development of Japan's Ground Self-Defense Force. It addresses: how the GSDF was able to emerge as the post-war successor of the Imperial Japanese Army despite Japan's anti-militarist constitution; how the GSDF, despite the public skepticism and even hostility that greeted its creation, built domestic and international legitimacy; and how the GSDF has responded to changes in international and domestic environments. This path-breaking study of the world's third-largest-economic power's ground army is timely for two reasons. First, the resurgence of tensions in Northeast Asia over territorial disputes, and the emphasis recent Japanese governments have placed on using the GSDF for defending Japan's outlying islands is driving media coverage and specialist interest in the GSDF. Second, the March 11, 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami has focused global attention on the GSDF as Japan's lead disaster relief organization. This highly informative and thoroughly researched book provides insight for policy makers and academics interested in Japanese foreign and defense policies."--Back cover.

Preface -- Note on Transliteration of Japanese Words and Names -- About the Editors -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Part I: Overview of the GSDF -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- The Challenges of Reputation and Relevance in the Quest for Legitimacy -- Structure of the Book -- Notes -- Chapter 2: Organization and Structure of the Contemporary Ground Self-Defense Force -- Position of the GSDF in National Defense Policy -- Transparency and Public Relations -- Notes -- Part II: The History of the GSDF -- Chapter 3: The Early Years of the Ground Self-Defense Forces, 1945-1960 -- Introduction -- The Creation of the NPR: "Military" or "Police"? -- The Formation of the NPR as an Effective Force -- The Conditions of the NPR as a "Police Force:" Public Security Operations -- Disaster Relief -- From The NPR To The NSA and NSF -- Creating the Basis for a "Military" -- Establishment of the NSF as a Capable Organization -- The Political Process for Rearmament: Formation of the JDA and SDF -- Tasks and Capabilities of the SDF -- The Withdrawal of US Land Forces and the GSDF -- US-Japan Security Cooperation: Collective Action -- The Security Treaty Riots and the GSDF -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 4: The GSDF During the Cold War Years, 1960-1989 -- Introduction -- Continued Foundation-Building in the 1960s -- Reorganization of the GSDF (5 H ō mentai, 13 Divisions, 180,000 men) -- Second Defense Build-Up Plan (July 18, 1961) and Increased Recognition -- Mitsuya Kenkyu ̄ -- Third Defense Build-Up Plan (March 1967) -- The Crisis-Filled 1970s -- Nakasone Yasuhiro, the First Defense White Paper, and Autonomous Defense -- The Mishima Yukio Suicide -- The 1971 Curtis-Kubo Agreement and SDF Dispatch to Okinawa -- The Fourth Defense Build-Up Plan (1972) -- National Defense Program Outline (1976) and Immediate-Term Defense Build-Up Program

AbstractThe issue of "gender integration" within the military organization has long been a major research topic in military sociology. In the last two decades, however, specific topics such as "gender mainstreaming," "diversity management," and "diversity and inclusion" have pervaded sociological studies on military organizations. In this article, I examine the current state of gender integration in the Japan Self‐Defense Forces (JSDF), focusing on efforts to promote gender mainstreaming. In particular, following the National Action Plan to implement the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 was formulated in 2015, the Ministry of Defense issued the JSDF Female Personnel Empowerment Initiative in 2017, in which previous challenges for career development of female SDF personnel were to be removed by making virtually all job categories available for women including combat pilot, missile boat crew, and tank driver. While the number and ratio of female personnel have increased and their prospects of career development have substantially improved in the last few years, work–life conflict and sexual/power harassment remain to be challenging issues for the retention of female personnel. Due to the deep‐rooted male‐dominant organizational culture of the military organization, further organizational challenges remain for JSDF to shift its overarching human resource management paradigm from "Diversity 1.0" to "Diversity 2.0," with the strong commitment of top leaders to innovate organizational culture.