"The article seeks to outline the evolution of European jihadism from its origins in the late 1980s to its most current developments. It argues that today the movement is highly diverse and increasingly managing to establish ties with groups operating outside of Europe. But it is also relatively contained, its appeal limited to small clusters operating at the fringes of - and increasingly in contraposition with European Muslim communities." (author's abstract)
This policy brief argues that Afghanistan is far from stability and that misconceptions leading to other conclusions further erode the potential of progress and peace in the country and region. While the presence and support of the international community is vital, there must be a shift in its approach in Afghanistan; foremost with regards to its willingness to negotiate with the Taliban. Furthermore, although maintaining and improving security is essential, it does not tackle jihadist indoctrination, the root cause of the Taliban's success. In addition it is essential to view the situation in Afghanistan through a regional prism, thus acknowledging the impactful role of Pakistan, Iran, Central Asian States and India. Since women and minorities are especially under attack in countries impacted by religious extremism, this paper also highlights their plight.
Jihadismen kom til Jordan i 1990-årene. Kilder viser at utviklingen siden da har vært sammensatt. Samtidig som jihadistbevegelsen har vokst og blitt mer aktiv, ser det ut til at folk flest har vendt dem ryggen. Denne artikkelen tar for seg dette tilsynelatende paradokset gjennom å undersøke hvordan jihadismen har utviklet seg over tid i kongedømmet.
Jihadi online media try to mobilize, recruit, and disseminate the messages of jihadi subcultures. Understanding the mechanisms and structures of the products of these online media is essential for understanding jihadism in general. Original research into visual representations of jihadi media outlets, the subtleties of jihadi videos, the specific ways jihadis use Islamic religious language, into jihadi poetry, and the ways jihadis stage their concepts in videos of kangaroo trials is presented in this volume. Jihadis as part of the imagery of global media production is another aspect of representations of jihadism described in one of the contributions
Western jihadism is a complex phenomenon in which the imaginary dimension, the subjectivity of the actors linked to their socio-economic condition but also to their ethnicity, and beyond that, what I call their subjectivation (the ability to empower oneself as a social actor), play a significant role. In Europe, among the Muslim offshoots of migrant workers, most of the psychological developments associated with Jihadism occurs in very specific urban structures, the poor districts or suburbs, where a high concentration of urban poor live with a burden of social stigma linked to the high criminality rate. These settings are often de facto ghettoes. The development of a specific urban imagination often gives meaning to the jihadist commitment among young people living in this type of settlement. This imaginary often feeds on a feeling of stigmatization among these people. Jihadism is not a quest for meaning, but its discovery, the wielding of it through embracing death and inflicting it on the 'infidels'. It is, in another way, a punishment of society, an act of vengeance against it, be it due to personal reasons (mainly for the young downtrodden of the immigrant origin who feel stigmatized by the society) or due to the lack of ideal, utopia and social justice in society (the case of the young middle class people). This study aims at underlining the fact that social imaginaries should be at the root of socio-anthropological analysis and without understanding the meaning of social action, quantitative views give us at best a unilateral, at most a distorted view of social action and social behavior.
Across the Muslim world, from Iraq & Yemen, to Egypt & the Sahel, new alliances have been forged between the latest wave of violent Islamist groups - including Islamic State & Boko Haram - & local tribes. But can one now speak of a direct link between tribalism & jihadism, & how analytically useful might it be? Tribes are traditionally thought to resist all encroachments upon their sovereignty, whether by the state or other local actors, from below yet by joining global organizations such as Islamic State, are they not rejecting the idea of the state from above? This relationship is key to understanding instances of mass 'radicalization', when entire communities forge alliances with jihadi groups, for reasons of self-interest, self-preservation or religious fervor.
Across the Muslim world, from Iraq & Yemen, to Egypt & the Sahel, new alliances have been forged between the latest wave of violent Islamist groups - including Islamic State & Boko Haram - & local tribes. But can one now speak of a direct link between tribalism & jihadism, & how analytically useful might it be? Tribes are traditionally thought to resist all encroachments upon their sovereignty, whether by the state or other local actors, from below yet by joining global organizations such as Islamic State, are they not rejecting the idea of the state from above? This relationship is key to understanding instances of mass 'radicalization', when entire communities forge alliances with jihadi groups, for reasons of self-interest, self-preservation or religious fervor.
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"Jihadist militants keep being a global threat. Many observers suggest that a transformation is likely to happen in their organisation, operation, mobilisation, and recruitment strategies, particularly after the territorial decline of the "Caliphate" of the "Islamic State." This volume explores different aspects of the future trajectories of militant jihadism and the prospective transformation of this movement in and around Europe. The authors analyse the changing jihadist landscape and networks, and the societal challenges posed by both returned foreign terrorist fighters and those who have not returned to their countries of origin. Other topics of discussion are cyber jihadism, jihadist financing, women's position in and relevance for contemporary jihadism, the role of prisons in relation to radicalisation and militancy, and the changing theological dynamics. Based on recent empirical research, Militant Jihadism offers a solid scholarly contribution to various disciplines that study violence, terrorism, security, and extremism.
Contributors: Mohamed-Ali Adraoui (Georgetown University), Laith Alkhouri (Flashpoint), Nadim Houry (Arab Reform Initiative), Adolfo Gatti (Lumina Analytics), Stef Janssens (MYRIA), Johan Leman (KU Leuven), Serafettin Pektas (Researcher), Anita Perešin (Office of the National Security Council of the Republic of Croatia), Teun van Dongen (Independent Security Expert), Arturo Varvelli (ISPI)."
The article analyzes activities and role of Bosniaks in contemporary Jihadist movement. Those activities are analyzed in three dimensions - domestic activities (local radical groups, recruitment, motivation or role of diaspora), activities on foreign battlefields (combat activities, propaganda or support activities) and return to homeland (violent activities, deradicalization or activities of state authorities). Analysis is focused on fighters from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro and countries with significant Bosniak diaspora.
Over the last few years, and especially since the American invasion of Iraq in March 2003, there have been indications across the world of a growing convergence between the forces of Islamist militancy, on the one hand, and the "anti-imperialist" left on the other. Leaving aside widespread, if usually unarticulated, sympathy for the attacks of September 11, 2001, justified on the grounds that "the Americans deserved it," we have seen since 2003 an overt coincidence of policies, with considerable support for the Iraqi "resistance," which includes strong Islamist elements, and, more recently and even more explicitly, support for Hezbollah in Lebanon. In the Middle East itself, and on parts of the European far left, an overt alliance with Islamists has been established, going back at least to the mass demonstrations in early 2003 that preceded the Iraq War, but also including a convergence of slogans on Palestine-supporting suicide bombings and denying the legitimacy of the Israeli state. Last year, for example, radical Basque demonstrators were preceded by a militant waving a Hezbollah flag. Moreover, since most of those who oppose the U.S. action in Iraq of 2003 also opposed the war in Afghanistan in 2001, this leads, whether clearly recognized or not, to support for the anti-Western Taliban, armed groups now active across that country.
