Dieser Band der Miscellanea Mediaevalia ist einem Jahr gewidmet: 1308. Die Wahl dieses Jahres scheint arbiträr, denn dieses Jahr zählt ‑ abgesehen von wenigen markanten Ereignissen wie dem Templerprozess oder dem Tod des Johannes Duns Scotus ‑ nicht zu den prominenten Jahren. Der Band wagt ein historiografisches Experiment, indem er gegenüber einem Entwicklungsmodell, das die Aufmerksamkeit auf vermeintliche Höhe- und Wendepunkte lenkt, sich jenen Momenten im Schlagschatten dieser "lauten" Ereignisse zuwendet. Die Fragestellung des Bandes, der auf die 36. Kölner Mediävistentagung zurückgeht, will daher neue Perspektiven eröffnen, indem sie einlädt, Sehgewohnheiten in Frage zu stellen, zu schärfen, zu verlängern ‑ anhand eines Jahres und auch über dieses Jahr und seine historische Peripherie hinaus. Die Aufmerksamkeit richtet sich, beginnend bei einer lokalen Detailaufnahme, auf verschiedene thematische und methodische Facetten: Ereigniswahrnehmung, auch mit Blick auf die Erschließung neuer Welten, Johannes Duns Scotus in Kontext, Theologie in Paris, Philosophie in Italien, Medizin und Poetik, die Grenzen Europas, Orthodoxie und Häresie, 1308 im Spiegel der Künste, aus jüdischer und islamischer Sicht. (Produktinfo Verlag)
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In this article, Oliver Friggieri talks about Karm Psaila (1871-1961), a highly regarded Maltese poet who represents contemporary Maltese poetry. The author, explains Dun Karm Psaila's childhood and education, emphasizing on the fact that the Italian language and Latin were considered as two important school subjects at the time. This propelled Karm Psaila to continue his education in Italian. Later, in fact, he became a professor of language and of Italian literature at the major seminary. Oliver Friggieri continues on the article by explaining to us readers that Dun Karm Psaila's writings were often changing and evolving, especially when in the late 1800's and early 1900's, Malta was going through a political crisis, including the 'Language Question'. Before 1912 Dun Karm wrote only in Italian. However later on, he starts writing poems in the Maltese language as well. For Dun Karm Psaila, writing in Maltese, as well as in Italian, meant (i) to conserve an Italian identity, but above all adapt it according to the popular and environmental needs, and (ii) create romantically, that is according to the dictates of the heart and no more than the calculating reason. Dun Karm's works also give voice to his country's collective aspirations. His poetry reflects a background of village life crowned with an atmosphere of family feelings and it also portrays the Maltese countryside with a perspective imagination. It synthesises the popular culture of the Maltese people, which is quite evident from the rural characteristics that furnish its local identity with the literary culture based largely on Italian romanticism. Indeed, when he decided to make Maltese the medium of his creativity, Dun Karm poetically explored the history of Malta to confirm its cultural and national identity. ; N/A
La «converslone» linguistlca di Dun Karm (1871-1961), II poeta nazionale di Malta. lo costrinse a dare maggiore importanza ai motivi direttamente romantici. Dal 1889 at 1912 la sua opera e scritta esclusivamente in Italiano, secondo l'antica tradizione colta dell'lsola. Avendo scoperto nel 1912 vivacita espresslva della lingua maltese Dun Karm si trovo subito in grado di purificare la sua lirica dal formalismo classico e fino ad un certo punto di liberarsi dall'influsso del grani modelli che aveva seguito con fedelta durante il suo periodo iniziale. Inoltre, in questo tempo cominciava a perdere gradualmente l'equilibrio interiore che caratterizzava la sua prima fase creativa, del tutto priva di dilemmi personali e ancora lontana da un diretto impegno democratico. ; N/A
Dottorato di ricerca in Storia e cultura del viaggio e dell'opeporica in età moderna ; Motivazioni personali come la morte del padre e la consapevolezza di un immediato inserimento nel mondo degli uomini spinsero Johann Smidt (Brema, 1773-1857) a mettersi in viaggio e raggiungere l'Italia. In quattro amici, membri della Gesellschaft der freien Maenner, Smidt, Raison, Köppen e Boehlendorff, studenti a Jena, sulle tracce "filosofiche" di Rousseau attraversano la Svizzera a piedi fino ad approdare nei navigli di una entusiasta Milano occupata dai francesi, era il 3 agosto del 1797 e vi resteranno per quattro lunghissimi giorni. Ammireranno il duomo, la più bella costruzione gotica mai vista prima nella sua vita, i palazzi, le grandi strade, le donne italiane e i caffè alla moda. Ovviamente, tutte le sere saranno al teatro. A Milano, intravide, per la prima volta il grande generale Napoleone Bonaparte, i due si incontreranno di nuovo a Parigi, ma in altre vesti; Smidt sarà dalla sua Hansestadt Bremen. Le vie milanesi, piene di militari e pretacci ad ogni angolo, misero in ansia un 24enne Smidt, futuro sindaco e senatore di Brema, si sentiva perseguitato come se in ogni momento volessero rubargli i bagagli e ad ogni buona occasione imbrogliare. Annoterà: gli italiani mi sono proprio antipatici. Spesso si troverà a misurare il popolo italiano secondo il metro della sua mentalità nazionale, giudicando con indulgenze critiche e condanne aprioristiche, determinate dalla superficialità a dalla fuga di fronte allo sforzo di contatto costante. Malumore e nostalgia lo accompagneranno fin nella svizzera italiana, ma si sentirà più uomo, più completo e pronto ad affrontare la vita "da grande", al suo ritorno sarà pastore, professore di filosofia e marito. Dopo la partecipazione al Congresso di Vienna, fonda la città di Bremerhaven (1827), la sua attività politica dura più di mezzo secolo. Oltre ai viaggi dei membri della Gesellschaft, una parte è dedicata ad un elenco di viaggiatori tedeschi, tra '700 e '800, per offrire agli studiosi della materia un'occasione per ulteriori ricerche e approfondimenti. ; Personal motives, such as the death of his father and his subsequent entry into the world of men, helped push Johann Smidt (Bremen,1773-1857) into his travels to Italy. Four friends, students at Jena and members of the Gesellschaft der freien Maenner, Smidt, Raison, Köppen and Böhlendorff, follow the "philosophical" path of Rousseau and cross Switzerland by foot until reaching the gates of an enthusiastic Milan, at the time under French occupation. It was August 3rd 1797 and the four young men would stay for four long days. They admire the city's Duomo, the most beautiful Gothic construction I have ever seen in my life, the palazzi, the wide boulevards, italian women and the coffee and fashion. Of coarse every evening they are at the theatre. At Milan he sees from a distance for the first time the great general Napoléon Bonaparte. The two will meet again in Paris but under different guises; Smidt will be representing his Hansestadt Bremen. The Milanese streets, full of soldiers and preachers on every corner, make the 24-year-old Smidt anxious. The future Mayor and Senator of Bremen feels persecuted, as if someone is trying to rob his luggage at every moment and every occasion is a good one to cheat him. He notes: italians really get on my nerves. He often finds himself measuring the italian population up against his own national mindset, passing judgement with overindulgent criticisms and prejudicial condemnation, all thanks to his superficiality and his eagerness to escape constant contact. A bad temper and nostalgia accompany him all the way back to the Italian part of Switzerland, however he will feel more complete as a man and ready to confront "adult" life. On his return he will become a pastor, philosophy professor and husband. Following the Congress of Vienna he founds the city of Bremerhaven (1827) with his political career lasting over half a century. In addition to the travels of the members of the Gesellschaft, a part of this doctorate is dedicated to German travellers of the 1700's and 1800's, in order to offer readers further research material.
Scholars have often underlined the influence of medieval theological voluntarism in Thomas Hobbes' thought. The article aims to identify the similarities with some theses of medieval ethical voluntarism in Thomas Hobbes' Leviathan. The evolution of the concept of good is considered starting with the ethical thought of John Duns Scotus and William of Ockham. The concept of good understood as individual advantage and self-preservation comes to Hobbes probably through Scotus' influence in Francisco Suárez. In addition, the approaches to moral obligation and to good and evil seem to be the Ockham's legacy to the Hobbesian moral and political thought.
