Suchergebnisse

France was still largely a rural country in the 19th century, yet historiography seems to have favoured a thorough study of the bourgeoisie in towns while neglecting to turn its attention to the bourgeoisie in villages. Drawing on public archives, private sources and extensive correspondence, this research seeks to draw together all aspects of bourgeois family life as lived year-round in the countryside. More than a social grouping of the middle class, the rural bourgeoisie can be defined through its position at the heart of rural communities over an extended period of time, in continuity with the social order of the 18th century. "To be bourgeois" strongly implies prosperity and in most cases the ownership of land and property. The notion of work may be essential to a definition of the city bourgeois, but makes less sense in villages where the range of available professions is limited. On the other hand, correspondence reveals the active nature of life for the ladies of the rural bourgeoisie, reaching well beyond the domestic sphere. Life in the countryside engenders a type of bourgeois who is close to his land and to nature. Daily life follows the rhythm of farming, tending the vines, managing the estate, trading wine, animal husbandry and local fairs. Village bourgeois are confronted with the brutality of their rural surroundings: the body and the senses are put to the test. This study explores the history of experience of noises, smells, the cold, local travel and longer journeys, the passage of time and the handling of a pervasive environment.The family home takes on particular importance as a symbol of the village bourgeois' value and prestige. It is a stage on which the family's position and heredity are played out. The implied lifestyle within is one assisted by servants, with whom close yet distant relationships exist. In the countryside, bourgeois ladies and gentlemen differ from their urban counterparts in their uninhibited discussion of many subjects relating to hygiene, intimacy, sexuality. We will explore their use of outward appearance to project a certain image, their nuanced attitudes towards religion, their enjoyment of free time often in contrast to gender stereotypes, their mealtime rituals and their political engagements. Each phase of a rural bourgeois' life will be portrayed, from childhood to death, from education to the making of a marriage, from health to old age. We shall also investigate the bourgeois' relationship with others, in a wine-growing area where the extremely poor as well as with the landed aristocracy can be encountered. His social circle is wider than that of the urban bourgeois, because of his relative isolation in the country, and stretches far beyond the bourgeoisie to encompass his rural neighbours. This study concentrates particularly on the psychology of the bourgeois' relationship with others. Conditioned as he is to be at ease in any social situation, he is able to operate on many different levels and create his own ecosystem.Following the collapse in land revenue and the outbreak of the phylloxera blight, by 1880 the rural bourgeoisie, more concerned with the past than the future, had all but disappeared. A new bourgeoisie came to replace them in the villages. A quite unexpected vocabulary emerges from the correspondence, revealing a particular semantic apparatus and offering detailed insights into many aspects of rural bourgeois life in the 19th century wine-growing Jura. ; Alors que la France est largement rurale au XIXe siècle, l'historiographie a négligé l'observation de la bourgeoisie des villages qui se distingue d'une bourgeoisie des villes amplement explorée. A partir de sources publiques et privées, et particulièrement plusieurs fonds importants de correspondances, cette recherche permet d'approcher toutes les facettes de la famille bourgeoise qui vit à l'année à la campagne. Plus que par son appartenance à un groupe social, c'est par sa position au sein de la société rurale que se définit le bourgeois rural, dans un temps long et selon un ordre social en continuité avec le XVIIIe siècle. « Être bourgeois » implique avant tout un avoir bourgeois et se confond souvent par « être propriétaire ». La notion de travail pour les hommes, essentielle dans la définition du bourgeois urbain, est nuancée pour le bourgeois rural car l'éventail de professions à sa disposition au village est réduit. En revanche, les correspondances révèlent des femmes bourgeoises actives, et pas seulement dans la sphère domestique.La vie à la campagne induit un type de bourgeois proche de ses terres et de la nature. Les cultures, les vignes, les fermages, les ventes de vins, les animaux de la ferme et les foires régissent le quotidien. Les bourgeois des villages sont confrontés à la brutalité de l'univers rural qui les entoure : les corps sont mis à l'épreuve, tout autant que les sens. L'histoire du ressenti aux bruits, aux odeurs, au froid, aux déplacements, aux voyages, au temps et à la maîtrise d'un environnement prégnant est ici abordée. La maison de famille prend une valeur symbolique et de prestige pour la bourgeoisie de village. Sa mise en scène reflète la position et l'ancrage héréditaire, et indique un mode de vie facilité par des domestiques à la fois proches et distants. A la campagne, les bourgeois hommes et femmes se distinguent de leurs contemporains citadins et évoquent sans tabou de nombreux sujets liés à l'hygiène, à l'intimité, à la sexualité. L'image qu'ils souhaitent projeter dans leur apparence, leur attitude pondérée vis-à-vis de la religion, l'emploi de leur temps libre souvent loin des stéréotypes genrés, les rites de la table, leur engagement politique sont autant de thèmes approfondis. De sa petite enfance à sa mort, en passant par son éducation, la construction de son mariage, sa santé et sa vieillesse, chaque phase de la vie du bourgeois rural est décrite. Sa relation aux autres est tout autant interrogée. Dans une région viticole mêlant toutes les strates de la société rurale, il compose aussi bien avec la pauvreté extrême qu'avec l'aristocratie foncière. Du fait de son relatif isolement à la campagne, une particularité que ne connaît pas le bourgeois urbain, sa sociabilité est large. Elle dépasse grandement le cercle bourgeois et s'oriente sur son voisinage rural. Cette étude s'attarde sur la psychologie du bourgeois dans son rapport à l'autre. Parce qu'il est conditionné à être à l'aise dans la relation sociale, il est capable de gérer plusieurs strates de relations et se crée son propre écosystème.La chute de la rente de la terre, associée au désastre du phylloxéra, entraîne dès 1880 la quasi-disparition d'une bourgeoisie rurale plus tournée vers le passé que vers le futur. Elle est remplacée au village par de nouvelles familles bourgeoises. Un champ lexical inattendu découvert dans les courriers et la sémantique sui generis qui en découle permettent à chaque étape une analyse fine, au plus près du bourgeois rural dans le vignoble du Jura au XIXe siècle.

France was still largely a rural country in the 19th century, yet historiography seems to have favoured a thorough study of the bourgeoisie in towns while neglecting to turn its attention to the bourgeoisie in villages. Drawing on public archives, private sources and extensive correspondence, this research seeks to draw together all aspects of bourgeois family life as lived year-round in the countryside. More than a social grouping of the middle class, the rural bourgeoisie can be defined through its position at the heart of rural communities over an extended period of time, in continuity with the social order of the 18th century. "To be bourgeois" strongly implies prosperity and in most cases the ownership of land and property. The notion of work may be essential to a definition of the city bourgeois, but makes less sense in villages where the range of available professions is limited. On the other hand, correspondence reveals the active nature of life for the ladies of the rural bourgeoisie, reaching well beyond the domestic sphere. Life in the countryside engenders a type of bourgeois who is close to his land and to nature. Daily life follows the rhythm of farming, tending the vines, managing the estate, trading wine, animal husbandry and local fairs. Village bourgeois are confronted with the brutality of their rural surroundings: the body and the senses are put to the test. This study explores the history of experience of noises, smells, the cold, local travel and longer journeys, the passage of time and the handling of a pervasive environment.The family home takes on particular importance as a symbol of the village bourgeois' value and prestige. It is a stage on which the family's position and heredity are played out. The implied lifestyle within is one assisted by servants, with whom close yet distant relationships exist. In the countryside, bourgeois ladies and gentlemen differ from their urban counterparts in their uninhibited discussion of many subjects relating to hygiene, intimacy, sexuality. We will explore their use of outward appearance to project a certain image, their nuanced attitudes towards religion, their enjoyment of free time often in contrast to gender stereotypes, their mealtime rituals and their political engagements. Each phase of a rural bourgeois' life will be portrayed, from childhood to death, from education to the making of a marriage, from health to old age. We shall also investigate the bourgeois' relationship with others, in a wine-growing area where the extremely poor as well as with the landed aristocracy can be encountered. His social circle is wider than that of the urban bourgeois, because of his relative isolation in the country, and stretches far beyond the bourgeoisie to encompass his rural neighbours. This study concentrates particularly on the psychology of the bourgeois' relationship with others. Conditioned as he is to be at ease in any social situation, he is able to operate on many different levels and create his own ecosystem.Following the collapse in land revenue and the outbreak of the phylloxera blight, by 1880 the rural bourgeoisie, more concerned with the past than the future, had all but disappeared. A new bourgeoisie came to replace them in the villages. A quite unexpected vocabulary emerges from the correspondence, revealing a particular semantic apparatus and offering detailed insights into many aspects of rural bourgeois life in the 19th century wine-growing Jura. ; Alors que la France est largement rurale au XIXe siècle, l'historiographie a négligé l'observation de la bourgeoisie des villages qui se distingue d'une bourgeoisie des villes amplement explorée. A partir de sources publiques et privées, et particulièrement plusieurs fonds importants de correspondances, cette recherche permet d'approcher toutes les facettes de la famille bourgeoise qui vit à l'année à la campagne. Plus que par son appartenance à un groupe social, c'est par sa position au sein de la société rurale que se définit le bourgeois rural, dans un temps long et selon un ordre social en continuité avec le XVIIIe siècle. « Être bourgeois » implique avant tout un avoir bourgeois et se confond souvent par « être propriétaire ». La notion de travail pour les hommes, essentielle dans la définition du bourgeois urbain, est nuancée pour le bourgeois rural car l'éventail de professions à sa disposition au village est réduit. En revanche, les correspondances révèlent des femmes bourgeoises actives, et pas seulement dans la sphère domestique.La vie à la campagne induit un type de bourgeois proche de ses terres et de la nature. Les cultures, les vignes, les fermages, les ventes de vins, les animaux de la ferme et les foires régissent le quotidien. Les bourgeois des villages sont confrontés à la brutalité de l'univers rural qui les entoure : les corps sont mis à l'épreuve, tout autant que les sens. L'histoire du ressenti aux bruits, aux odeurs, au froid, aux déplacements, aux voyages, au temps et à la maîtrise d'un environnement prégnant est ici abordée. La maison de famille prend une valeur symbolique et de prestige pour la bourgeoisie de village. Sa mise en scène reflète la position et l'ancrage héréditaire, et indique un mode de vie facilité par des domestiques à la fois proches et distants. A la campagne, les bourgeois hommes et femmes se distinguent de leurs contemporains citadins et évoquent sans tabou de nombreux sujets liés à l'hygiène, à l'intimité, à la sexualité. L'image qu'ils souhaitent projeter dans leur apparence, leur attitude pondérée vis-à-vis de la religion, l'emploi de leur temps libre souvent loin des stéréotypes genrés, les rites de la table, leur engagement politique sont autant de thèmes approfondis. De sa petite enfance à sa mort, en passant par son éducation, la construction de son mariage, sa santé et sa vieillesse, chaque phase de la vie du bourgeois rural est décrite. Sa relation aux autres est tout autant interrogée. Dans une région viticole mêlant toutes les strates de la société rurale, il compose aussi bien avec la pauvreté extrême qu'avec l'aristocratie foncière. Du fait de son relatif isolement à la campagne, une particularité que ne connaît pas le bourgeois urbain, sa sociabilité est large. Elle dépasse grandement le cercle bourgeois et s'oriente sur son voisinage rural. Cette étude s'attarde sur la psychologie du bourgeois dans son rapport à l'autre. Parce qu'il est conditionné à être à l'aise dans la relation sociale, il est capable de gérer plusieurs strates de relations et se crée son propre écosystème.La chute de la rente de la terre, associée au désastre du phylloxéra, entraîne dès 1880 la quasi-disparition d'une bourgeoisie rurale plus tournée vers le passé que vers le futur. Elle est remplacée au village par de nouvelles familles bourgeoises. Un champ lexical inattendu découvert dans les courriers et la sémantique sui generis qui en découle permettent à chaque étape une analyse fine, au plus près du bourgeois rural dans le vignoble du Jura au XIXe siècle.

This collection of essays by leading scholars explores the cultural, social and historical issues which inform the production and consumption of wine. It covers the latest ethnography, theoretical and ethnohistorical research on wine throughout the globe.--

Rad razmatra širenje komercijalnih vinograda u Vinogorju Kutjevo 2000. – 2012. godine potaknuto mjerama nacionalne agrarne politike. Teorijski koncept istraživanja je model prostorne difuzije radi čijeg su objašnjavanja uvedeni termini korišteni u stranoj literaturi, poput S-krivulje, učinka susjedstva i učinka hijerarhije. Osnova su metodološkog pristupa telefonsko anketno istraživanje, istraživački razgovor (intervju) i terensko kartiranje u okviru kojih je ispitano 130 vinogradara ili 26,6 % od 488 vinogradara u Upisniku poljoprivrednih gospodarstava. Rezultati pokazuju da je Kutjevo bilo primarno difuzijsko žarište Vinogorja Kutjevo, da je početak i završetak širenja vinograda bio uvjetovan fi nancijskim razlozima te da je prihvaćanje vinograda u pojedinim naseljima ovisilo o njihovim razvojnim obilježjima (tipovima). Posljedica širenja vinograda je transformacija agrarnog pejzaža i začetak vinskog turizma u jezgri Vinogorja Kutjevo. Mogućnost razvoja vinogradarstva i vinskog turizma je stvaranje i umrežavanje klastera, čega su proizvođači svjesni. ; This paper considers the expansion of commercial vineyards in the Kutjevo wine-growing hills in the period from 2000 to 2012, as encouraged by national agrarian policy measures. The theoretical concept of the study is the spatial diffusion model. For its explanation, the terms used in the foreign literature, such as the S-curve, the neighbourhood effect and the hierarchy effect, have been introduced. The methodological approach was based on telephone surveys, interviews and field mapping. A total of 130 grapevine growers, or 26.6% of the total 488 grapevine growers listed in the Farm Register, were surveyed. The results show that Kutjevo was the primary focal point of diffusion in the Kutjevo wine-growing hills area, that the start and end of vineyard expansion was predicated on fi nancing, and that the adoption of vineyards in individual settlements was contingent on their developmental characteristics (types). The outcome of the expansion of vineyards was the transformation of the agrarian landscape and the start of wine tourism in the core of the Kutjevo wine-growing hills. The creation and networking of clusters presents an opportunity for the development of viniculture and wine tourism, and producers are aware of this.

The wine-growing and the wine-making channel represent the process of transformation of grapes into must and wine until it reaches the final consumer, with all the activities, endowments and institutions involved. The wine channel is one of the most complex agricultural and alimentary channels because one and the same unity can integrate all the activities: research, obtaining the growing material, wine-making, obtaining the wine, its stabilization and bottling and the distribution to the final consumer. Measures and means of wine-growing connection regulation The coordination of the wine-growing and wine-making channel is based on the institutions and regulations in order to organize the stages of the channel using negotiated measures and instruments, and materialized in a legislative body that becomes obligatory for the entire channel. The systems of the institutions for the regulations of the wine-growing channel are: The Agricultural, Forrest and Rural Development Ministry, The Council for the production of "Grapes, must, wine, wine products and processed products", The Payment Agency and for Intervention in Agriculture and Rural Development. Institutions with the role of elaboration and implementation of the market policy in the wine-growing and wine-making field, professional organizations of the product: The National Inter-professional Wine- Growing and Wine-Making Organization – Regional Professional Wine-Growing and Wine- Making Organizations, Patronal Organizations – The National Patronate of Wine and Vineyard. The channel Organizations: The State Inspection for the Technical Wine-growing and Wine-making Control – ISCTV, The National Office of the Original Denomination for the Wines and Other Wine-growing and Wine-making Products – ONDOV, The National Office of Grape Vine and Wine – ONVV Institutions for Certification and Control – The Central Lab for Seeds Quality. The activity of the economical agents in the wine-growing and the wine-making channel is considered, generally, as efficient. Of course the negative influences of the macromedium will have an imprint on this channel: the reduced dimensions of the exploitation, the old technologies, lack of information and of the access to different services. The main element of the strategy in the wine sector is the improvement of the image of the Romanian wines so that it would penetrate the extern markets successfully.

Grapes and wine production on the Balkan Peninsula dated back to the ancient times due to the favorable natural conditions for vine-growing. Despite its small territory, with its geographic location Bulgaria has an extremely varied relief and climate. On the basis of the diverse terroir the country was divided into 5 wine-growing regions where along with the common, globally known vine varieties, some local ones, characteristic and typical of each region, are also grown. Over the past two decades, the development of the wine sector in the country and the legislation had been in line with the requirements and arrangements with the European Union. From 2002 to 2010 there was a significant decline in the cultivated area of vineyards and the wine export. Full control has been introduced on the planting of wine grape varieties. During the years following the accession of Bulgaria to the EU, there has been a gradual expansion of the cultivated areas with wine and table grape varieties, although the process of setting up new plantations is extremely slow. The preservation and expansion of the vineyards of traditional Bulgarian varieties has been encouraged. Wine varieties dominate in the structure of vineyards and occupy 95 of the vineyards and the table grapes ndash3B about 5. The red wine varieties are predominant, as they are about 58 of the area of the vineyards and white wine varieties are 42. During the last decade, the interest in bio and organic produce has grown strongly and the areas for organic grape production are constantly growing. Over the past 100 years, viticulture and wine-making development in Bulgaria had marked times of rise and times of severe crises however it had always preserved its place as a subsector determining the structure of Bulgarian agriculture, being of great importance for the countrys economy.

ABSTRACTThis article analyses the participation of Italian‐American women in the California wine industry, paying attention to the interactions between gender and ethnicity. Italian‐American women contributed to the birth and the development of family‐run companies, but their role in wineries was often invisible, as it was regarded as mere support for male business owners, and their power was limited. The work of Italian‐American women did not represent a model of individual emancipation from the family, but carried out a social function of conservation which made it possible for family businesses to thrive. After the Second World War, women such as Rosa Mondavi and Sylvia Sebastiani reinvented their own roles to fit within the models of femininity imposed on the middle class, gaining control over their family businesses and contributing to Italian‐Californian wine culture.

Circular economy on agro-food sector: Vineyards and wine case study
The idea of a circular economy started to be noticed about 2017 when several EU countries developed their "circular economy national plans". Coming from European directives, countries developed goals, strategies and ambitions to implement the idea. Here Miguel Cachão from AVIPE explores how the circular economy is a concept that is misunderstood in several situations even in the agro-food sector, but it's also seen as one of the trendiest and coolest concepts to be used in plans, presentations and campaigns.

The wine sector is a sector that lives and breathes its history and identity; and where developmental alternatives are sought in order to be able to compete in the market. Vineyard areas are sold as rural paradises, where leisure, gastronomy, the landscape, and open-air activities all provide quality tourist experiences. The case of the Sherry Wine Region (Spain) illustrates local restructuring processes, changes in local-global planning, and the socioeconomic impacts of the globalization of food. The symbiosis between the specific, the global, and the historical discourses gives rise to reflections on this region's territorial redefinition; and highlights its architectural heritage, its landscape, and the gastronomic experiences on offer. Diversification is regenerating the local economy, and wine, and wine tourism, are both the focus of a new territorial policy strategy designed to face the challenges of globalization, and common bonds for partnerships between the public and the private sectors. ; Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness of the Government of Spain CSO2015-66405

Abstract
Wines contain a wide range of aromatic compounds, each having its share in the characterization of the end product. This paper aims at highlighting the phenolic compounds that are present in three types of wine from the Apold Vineyard, compounds that have been determined by modern chromatographic methods. Anthocyanins, flavans, flavones and flavonoids, phenolic acids and microphenolic compounds have been determined in three wines: Pinot gris, Neuburger and Furmint. The results have led to the characterization of these wines and their classification according to the parameters acknowledged by the international authorities.

By the end of the former century there were less than 10 commercial vintners producing wine in Denmark. There was widespread acceptance of the view that commercial production of wine in the most northern parts of Europe was impossible. However, the number of commercial wine growers in Denmark grew to more than 60 at the end of year 2009 and the Association of Danish Winegrowers now counts more than 1400 members. Denmark can no longer be seen as a non-wine producing country! Formally, the transformation of Denmark to a wine producing country took place in year 2000 when Denmark was accepted as a commercial wine producing nation within the European Union. Based on a remarkably detailed micro data set this paper first gives a description of wine production in Denmark and thereafter we address the question whether vineyard characteristics are important for the quality of the wine and/or whether individual characteristics of the wine grower are important. Using a hedonic model the focus is especially on the importance of general factors like the type of soil, slope, geography, grape variety etc. in relation to the awards obtained by the respective vineyards.

Abstract
The aim of the present paper is to investigate an objective microbiological analysis of the wine by identification of some parameters such as total amount of germs and yeastswhich are contained in the quality wines from Getic Piedmont namely: Bolovanu, Corcova, Drăgășani, Sâmburești, Segarcea, Ștefănești.The Getic Piedmont is a relict geomorphological relief unit with significant variations from the flat, low lands fragmented by moderately rough with strong fragmentation. We have selected by grouping the wines in grape varieties, white wines (Sauvignon, Chardonnay, Riesling) and red wines (Merlot, Cabernet, Pinot noir) which were tested by microbiological tests. The opinion that the bacteria level should be acceptable in red wines and the yeasts level in white wines were supported by literature. The presence of these micro-organisms have clear influence in wine validity, in principle they are not detectable in a biologically pure wine.