Cilj je ovoga rada raščlaniti razloge koji ukazuju na potrebu donošenja kodificiranih pravila upravnoga postupka u pravu Unije te ocijeniti kvalitetu predloženih rješenja. U ovome radu najprije se nastoji odgovoriti na pitanje postoji li u Europskoj uniji potreba za kodificiranjem pravila upravnoga postupka. To se čini analizom nekih njezinih propisa, ali i stajališta iznesenih u znanstvenoj i stručnoj literaturi. Ukazuje se na dosadašnje "kodifikacijske neuspjehe" te se kratko prikazuje geneza donošenja i danas aktualnoga prijedloga Uredbe o otvorenoj, učinkovitoj i neovisnoj upravi Europske unije. Zatim se analiziraju ciljevi ovoga prijedloga propisa i u njemu sadržana rješenja. Ona se uspoređuju s aktualnim rješenjima sadržanima u hrvatskom pravnom sustavu i pravnim sustavima nekih država članica Unije, kako bi se utvrdilo hoće li eventualno usvajanje predložene uredbe u praksi zahtijevati značajnije odstupanje u radu institucija, tijela, ureda i agencija Unije od pravila vođenja upravnoga postupka uvriježenih u nacionalnim pravnim sustavima država članica. Time se ukazuje na neke prednosti, ali i nedostatke predloženoga teksta. Konačno, zaključuje se hoće li Unija eventualnom predloženom "kodifikacijom" stvoriti nove pravne režime ili će se zadovoljiti zakonskim utvrđenjem već postojećih pravila u okviru jednoga propisa. ; The aim of this paper is to analyse reasons pointing out the need to codify the rules for administrative procedure in EU law and to assess the quality of suggested solutions. Firstly, an attempt is made to answer the question of whether the European Union needs to codify rules of administrative procedure. This is done by analysing some of its regulations as well as the views purported in scientific and professional literature. The "codification failures" to date are pointed out and the genesis of passing the today still current proposed "Regulations on open, effective and independent European Union Administration". Then, the aims of this proposed regulation and its contained solutions are ...
RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAZa tematiku i aktualnost ove rubrike Šumarskoga lista očito nije potrebno brinuti. Naime, svako malo mediji nam prenose vijesti o novim nesporazumima pa i sukobima šumarske struke i amaterskih udruga, koje si umišljaju da sve znaju o šumarstvu. Interesantno, primjerice u kirurgiju se ne petljaju! Tako ovih dana u Glasu Istre čitamo: Nastavlja se fajt oko Motovunske šume – Tartufari uzvraćaju udarac: Hrvatske šume ponašaju se kao feudalac! Šire o tome pisat ćemo na temelju egzaktnih podataka u jednoj od rubrika sljedećeg dvobroja Šumarskoga lista. Ovdje ćemo komentirati Zakon i ulogu Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o.Feudalizam je oblik društvenog odnosa koji je prevladavao u srednjem i dijelu novoga vijeka, ukinut 1848. godine, a feudalac je vlasnik zemljišta za kojega drugi rade. Da li su Hrvatske šume d.o.o. vlasnik zemljišta-šume i da li odgovaraju tome kriteriju? Za odgovor na ovo pitanje pozivamo se ponajprije na zakon, u ovome slučaju Zakon o šumama, koji u članku 2. (1) kaže: Šume i šumska zemljišta dobra su od interesa za Republiku Hrvatsku te imaju njezinu osobnu zaštitu, a u istom članku (3) Vlada Republike Hrvatske upravlja šumama i šumskim zemljištem u interesu Republike Hrvatske, prema u daljnjem tekstu navedenim načelima. Članak 3. (1) navodi: Šume i šumska zemljišta specifično su šumsko bogatstvo te s općekorisnim i gospodarskim funkcijama šuma uvjetuju poseban način planiranja, gospodarenja i korištenja na načelu održivog gospodarenja šumama. (2) Održivo gospodarenje šumama znači korištenje šuma i šumskog zemljišta na način, i u mjeri, koja održava njihovu bioraznolikost, produktivnost, kapacitet za regeneraciju, vitalnost i potencijal da trenutačno i ubuduće ispune odgovarajuće ekološke, gospodarske i društvene funkcije na lokalnoj, nacionalnoj i globalnoj razini te koja ne uzrokuje štetu drugim ekosustavima. Po tome načelu potrajnosti, hrvatskim šumama šumarska struka gospodari već više od 250 godina. Uz gospodarske funkcije šuma (proizvodnju drvnih sortimenata, proizvodnju šumskog reprodukcijskog materijala i proizvodnju nedrvnih šumskih proizvoda), treba imati na umu da ona osigurava i njene općekorisne funkcije navedene u članku 4. (1) do (9). Dakle, u gospodarenju s tim najsloženijim ekosustavom nema mjesta amaterizmu i interesnim skupinama! Žalosno je i nelogično, ali istinito, da je politika koja treba strogo zagovarati Zakon, češćesklonija njima nego struci. Imajući u vidu prethodno rečeno o šumi kao specifičnom šumskom bogatstvu, logično je da operativno njima može upravljati i gospodariti specifična pravna osoba koja posjeduje potrebnu infrastrukturu, opremu i posebice visoko stručne kadrove. Kada je riječ o visokostručnim kadrovima opetovano ističemo, kako se još u 19. stoljeću odlučilo da šumama trebaju upravljati i gospodariti fakultetski obrazovani stručnjaci, pa ističemo da je i šumarska fakultetska nastava u Hrvatskoj uspostavljena već 20. listopada 1898. godine. Stoga je logično da upravljanje i gospodarenje šumama Vlada Republike Hrvatske povjerava javnom šumoposjedniku Hrvatske šume d.o.o. čiji je osnivač. Članak 44. (1) propisuje: Javni šumoposjednik i Ustanova (kada se radi o zaštićenim šumama) dužni su osigurati zaštitu šuma i šumskih zemljišta u vlasništvu Republike Hrvatske od protupravnog prisvajanja, korištenja i drugih protupravnih radnji te provoditi šumski red. Iz svega je razvidno da je sve zakonom propisano i da su Hrvatske šume d. o. o. provoditelj Zakona o šumama, a nikako feudalac. No, kada raspravljamo o stanju u našoj Državi, počevši od društvenih odnosa, gospodarstva, pa sve do prevelikog uvoza "svega i svačega", svima su "puna usta" Pravne države, naravno samo kada to njima ide u prilog, a briga ih za opći interes.Uredništvo ; EDITORIALWe should never be concerned about the themes and topicality of this column of Forestry Journal. Every now and then the media reports on the latest misunderstandings and even conflicts between the forestry profession and amateur associations which imagine that they know everything about forestry. Interestingly, they never meddle in surgery, for example. The Voice of Istria recently wrote: The battle of the Motovun Forest continues - Truffle hunting people strike back: The company Croatian Forests Ltd behaves like a feudal lord! This topic will be dealt with more extensively on the basis of exact data in one of the columns of the next double issue of Forestry Journal.Feudalism is a form of social system that prevailed in the Middle and part of the New Age and was abolished in 1848. A feudal lord was a land owner who had other people working for him. Is the company Croatian Forests Ltd the owner of the land - forest and does it match these criteria? To answer these questions we should first consult the law, in this case the Forest Law. Article 2 (1) of the said Law states: Forests and forest land are natural goods of interest to the Republic of Croatia and enjoy its particular protection. In the same article (3) it is stated that the Government of the Republic of Croatia manages forests and forest land in the interest of the Republic of Croatia according to the principles listed further on. Article 3 (1) states: Forests and forest land constitute specific forest wealth and together with non-market and market forest functions dictate a particular manner of planning, management and usage according to the principles of sustainable forest management. (2) Sustainable management of forests means using forests and forest land in the manner and to the extent to which it maintains its biodiversity, productivity, regeneration capacity, vitality and potential to, now and in the future, fulfil the relevant ecological, economic and social functions locally, nationally and globally without inflicting harm to other ecosystems. The Croatian forestry profession has applied the principle of sustainability to Croatian forests for over 250 years. In addition to commercial forest functions (production of wood assortments, production of forest reproductive material and production of non-wood forest products), we should bear in mind that it also ensures its non-market functions listed in article 4 (1) to (9). Therefore, management of this most complex ecosystem excludes amateurism and interest groups! Sadly and illogically, but true, politics which should strictly enforce the Law, is more often inclined to them than to the profession. In view of what was said above about the forest as specific forest wealth, it is logical that it should operatively be managed by a specific legal entity which has the necessary infrastructure, equipment and highly skilled personnel in particular. As for highly skilled personnel, we repeatedly point out that it was decided no later than 19th century that forests should be managed by academically educated experts. Furthermore, the university forestry education in Croatia was established as early as 20th October 1898. It is logical, therefore, that the Government of the Republic of Croatia entrusted the company Croatian Forests Ltd, a public forest owner which it founded, with forest planning and management. Article 44 (1) states: The public forest owner and Institution (in case of protected forests) are obliged by law to ensure the protection of forests and forest land owned by the Republic of Croatia from unlawful appropriation, use and other illegal activities, as well as enforce the forest order. Clearly, everything is regulated by law: hence, the company Croatian Forests Ltd is the law enforcer and by no means a feudal lord. Yet, when we discuss the situation in our State, starting from social relations, economy and excessive import of "anything and everything", we all swear by the legal State, but only when it is in our favour, while public interest is of no concern whatsoever.Editorial Board
Protectionism is a system of measures used for the purpose of protecting domestic manufacturers from foreign competition. It has emerged simultaneously with the international exchange of goods. The contemporary protectionist policy and practice imposes the necessity of studying this phenomenon in the light of the current situation and conditions. Agricultural protectionism seems to be a particularly significant issue in the international exchange of commodities. ; Protekcionizam označava sustav mjera ekonomske države sa ciljem zaštite domaće proizvodnje u odnosu na konkurenciju inozemnih proizvođača. Javlja se nakon pojave međunarodne razmjene. Međutim, suvremena protekcionistička politika i praksa obavezuje da se istražuje fenomen protekcionizma u suvremenim uvjetima. Posebno je u suvremenoj teoriji za međunarodnu razmjenu značajan agrarni protekcionizam.
The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions. ; The article analyzes how the 16+1 Cooperation promotes the Chinese new type of international relations from four perspectives: firstly, the "16+1 Cooperation" insists on not rejecting third parties and promotes the idea of open and inclusive international cooperation; Secondly, the cooperation framework adheres to the principle of mutually-beneficial and win-win cooperation, and proposes to wisely handle differences and divergences; Thirdly, this framework never engages in zero-sum games, instead, it fully respects and closely watches the core interests and major concerns of the relevant parties; Fourthly, it is committed to creating a cooperative platform through consultation, to meet the interests of all. The article also makes an analysis of the challenges facing 16+1 Cooperation and gives some suggestions.
Autorica istražuje mogućnost da se pesimizam etablira kao relevantan pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa u objašnjavanju kako prošlih, tako i budućih događaja u međunarodnoj politici. U radu se koristi metateorijska interpretativna metoda kako bi se iznijele neke od temeljnih niti vodilja misli pesimizma, pri čemu je fokus samo na klasičnom realizmu unutar realističke teorije, budući da su njezine postavke ujedno i temeljna izvorišta pesimizma. U prvom dijelu rada iznosi se temeljne odrednice i biti realizma i pesimizma, drugi dio se fokusira na intelektualnu pozadinu pesimistične misli u radovima Schopenhauera, Nietzschea i Freuda, a posljednji dio iznosi kritiku optimizma i temeljne opreke u poimanju koncepta vremena između pesimizma i optimizma, kao i implikacije koje pesimizam ima za međunarodne odnose. Pesimizam kao pravac unutar teorije realizma međunarodnih odnosa ima filozofsku snagu i jaku teorijsku pozadinu te može imati svoje mjesto unutar realističke teorije međunarodnih odnosa. ; The author evaluates the possibility of the concept of pessimism establishing itself as a relevant factor within the theory of realism in international relations, that is, for explaining past and future events in international politics. The approach applies the meta theoric interpretative method in order to expose some of the tenets of the leading pessimistic theories where the focus is on classical realism within the realistic theory, since its origins are also the fundamental origins of pessimism. The first part exposes the fundamental postulates and essence of realism and pessimism, while the second part focuses on the intellectual background of the pessimism thought found in the works of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche and Freud. The last part expose a criticism of optimism as well as the fundamental contradictions in understanding the concept of time between pessimism and optimism, as well as the implications of pessimism on international relations. Pessimism, as a part of the theory of realism in international ...
U tekstu se rastvara pojam "dekonstrukcije" administrativne države u SAD-u kao njen reprezentativni primjer. Polazeći od dominacije moderne administrativne države, puna slika suvremenog konstitucionalizma u SAD-u mora uključivati administrativni konstitucionalizam kao svekoliko razumijevanje i interpretaciju suvremene administrativne države i njene strukture od strane agencija i drugih aktivnih aktera upravnoga prava. Administrativni konstitucionalizam danas je jedan od najintenzivnije izučavanih predmeta istraživanja komparativnog ustavnog i upravnog prava. Razlog egzegeze ovoga pitanja nisu samo njegove različite dimenzije već i činjenica da on predstavlja glavni mehanizam kojim se danas elaborira i implementira ustavno značenje. ; This paper opens up the concept of "deconstruction "of administrative states in the USA as its representative example. Starting from the domination of a modern administrative state, the full picture of modern constitutionalism in the USA must include administrative constitutionalism as overall understanding and interpretation of a modern administrative state and its structure by agencies and other active participants in administrative law. Administrative constitutionalism is today one of the most intensively studied subjects of investigation of comparative constitutional and administrative law. The reason for exegesis of this issue is not only its various dimensions but also the fact that it represents the main mechanism which today elaborates and implements constitutional meaning.
Glavni je problem priopćenja vanjska politika Republike Hrvatske (RH) u vezi s Ustavom BiH jer nedovoljno pridonosi rješavanju društvenih, političkih, ekonomskih, kulturnih itd. slabosti Bosne i Hercegovine (BiH) koje mogu i trebaju biti rješavane unutar prava. Ta je politika nedovoljno uspješna jer nije državna, nego strančarska. Matica politike je narodnjačka, tj. etnička. Alternativa zanemaruje činjenicu da je RH, kao stranka Daytonskoga mirovnog sporazuma, čiji je dio Ustav BiH, internacionalnim pravom ovlaštena zahtijevati od drugih stranaka, uključujući BiH, da poštuju i primijene Sporazum. Sporedni je problem priopćenja nedostatna znanstvena spoznaja glavnog problema. Posljedica je pomanjkanja interesa pravnih znanstvenika u RH i previda pravnih slabosti politike. Temeljna je svrha priopćenja priprema istraživačkog projekta unutar integralne pravne znanosti dopunjene izvornom pravnom dogmatikom i prilagođenom pravnopolitičkom analizom. Hipoteze, koje su dijelom ispitane, pripisuju politiku uvjetima te predviđaju razvoj problema ako se politika ne promijeni i ako se prromijeni u skladu s prijedlogom izloženim u priopćenju. ; The paper deals with the main problem of the Republic of Croatia's foreign policy on the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which fails to alleviate the social (political, economic, cultural, etc.) inadequacies of Bosnia and Herzegovina that can and ought to be solved within the limits of the law. It is of meagre success because it is a policy of political parties rather than of a nation-state. The mainstream policy is ethnicist. Its alternative ignores the fact that the Republic of Croatia, as a party to the Dayton Peace Agreement, whose part is the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is by international law entitled to demand other parties, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, to observe and change the Agreement. The subordinate problem is a paucity of knowledge provided by legal scholars in the Republic of Croatia about the main problem. The knowledge deficit is a consequence of the lack of interest in the policy and oversight of its legal ramifications. The principal goal of the paper is the preparation of a research-project within integral legal scholarship supplemented by original legal dogmatics and adjusted policy analysis. The principal hypotheses are that the past policy can be ascribed to Croatian institutions (legalistic order, ethnic state, parochial studies) and their environment (dependence on foreign powers, pre-political and pre-legal conditions of the Croatian population); and that the same policy, even in a stable environment, should be expected to facilitate threats to the very existence of Bosnia and Hercegovina and Bosnian Croats, thus greatly endangering the Republic of Croatia. On the assumption that the environment, as well as the institutions and doctrines improve, the paper proposes a state policy as an alternative to past partisanship, with a view of re-instituting Bosnia and Hercegovina as a functional nation-state, establishing local and cultural autonomy, and retaining the constitution-making power of each major ethnic community in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The expected consequences are the strengthening of Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bosnian Croats, and the Republic of Croatia, in line with the values and principles of the inquiry.
The article is devoted to the doctrine & practice of the Law of Treaties. The author focuses his attention on the following four topics: (l) the Treaties & third States or third international organizations; (2) the Treaties that provide rights for third States or third international organizations; (3) the Treaties that set out obligations for third States or third international organizations. He pays special attention to the most-favored-nation clause. The author gives interpretations of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties 1969 & the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties between States & International Organizations or between International Organizations 1986. References. Adapted from the source document.
The author looks into the position of the Constitutional Court in the light of the proposed Constitutional Law on amendments & modifications of the Constitutional Law on the Constitutional Court that would change some powers of the Constitutional Court. A short historical review shows that the Croatian people belong to the European civilizational setting, as evidenced by numerous documents & statutes that have regulated the rule of law in Croatia. According to the Croatian Constitution, the Constitutional Court is assigned a special place outside the system of the division of power into the legislative, the executive, & the judiciary; it is a special constitutional category that cannot be under the scrutiny of law since it scrutinizes laws. The author goes on to enumerate the changes in the jurisdiction & the operation of the Court envisaged in this new proposal of the Constitutional Law. The author concludes that constitutional courts are the very core of Western democracy & that they protect constitutions as a constantly developing living form. 59 References. Adapted from the source document.
Vanjska trgovima ima veliki značaj u gospodarstvu svake zemlje kroz multiplikativni efekt koji se ogleda ne samo kroz ekonomske komponente već i kroz sociokulturni razvoj. Cilj rada bio je identificirati Tursku u europskom kontekstu međunarodnih odnosa, odnosno ukazati na komparativnu i konkurentsku ulogu Turske u vanjskotrgovinskom poslovanju. Čimbenici odnosa Turske u europskom kontekstu su: demografski aspekti, sociološke i kulturološke razlike, pristupni kriteriji, ekonomski aspekti i politički izazovi. U posljednja dva desetljeća carinska unija Europske unije (EU) i Turske bila je okosnica razvoja u okviru bilateralne trgovine. U tom razdoblju Turska je postala petim glavnim trgovinskim partnerom s EU na globalnoj razini s vrijednošću bilateralne trgovine od 140 milijardi eura (2017). Slično tome, EU je najvažniji trgovinski partner Turske, koja predstavlja 41% turske globalne trgovine. Istraživanje u radu temeljeno je na analizi sekundarnih izvora podataka, a metode sinteze i deskripcije primijenjene su u interpretaciji dobivenih rezultata i formiranja zaključaka. Rezultati istraživanja pokazuju kako je integracija Turske u Europsku uniju određena kako "tvrdim" ekonomskim čimbenicima korisnosti, tako i "mekanim" čimbenicima kao što su osjećaj identiteta, religije ili stavovima prema imigrantima. Iako Turska pokazuje pozitivne ekonomske trendove u europskom kontekstu, "mekani" čimbenici ipak predstavljaju osnovnu barijeru integracije. ; Foreign trade has great significance in the economy of each country through a multiplier effect reflected not only through economic components but also through socio-cultural development. The aim of the paper was to identify Turkey in the European context of international relations, that is, to highlight Turkey's comparative and competitive role in foreign trade. Factors of the relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the European Union are: demographic aspects, sociological and cultural differences, access to critique, economic aspects and political challanges. In the last two decades, the EU and Turkey customs union was the cornerstone of bilateral trade. At that time, Turkey became the world's fifth largest trade with the EU on a global scale worth EUR 140 billion in 2017. Similarly, the EU is Turkey's most important trading partner, representing 41% of Turkey's global trade. The research in this paper is based on the analysis of secondary data sources, and synthesis and descriptive methods have been applied in the interpretation of the obtained results and the formation of conclusions. The results of the study show that Turkey's integration into the European Union is determined by both "hard" economic utility factors and "soft" factors such as a sense of identity, religion or attitudes towards immigrants. Although Turkey shows positive economic trends in the European context, "soft" factors still represent the primary barrier to integration. The great migration crizis that began in 2015, and continues today, has again put Turkey at the center of geopolitical interest, but also emphasized the interdependence of Turkey and the EU and the conceptualization of a new model of mutual relations.
Koncept ljudske sigurnosti prvi put je istaknut u izvješću UNDP-a (United Nations Development Programme: Razvojni program Ujedinjenih naroda) 1994. i bazira se na slobodi od oskudice (freedom from want) i slobodi od straha (freedom from fear). Na Svjetskom samitu o hrani (World Food Summit) 1996. sigurnost hrane je definirana na način koji naglašava dostupnost hrane, pristup hrani te korištenje i stabilnost kao ključne dimenzije sigurnosti hrane. Iako najčešće nije jedini uzrok sukoba, nesigurnost hrane predstavlja sigurnosnu prijetnju jer služi kao pokretač nasilnog djelovanja. Glad i nesigurnost hrane povećavaju vjerojatnost da će doći do prosvjeda i nereda što potiče nesigurnost među stanovništvom i ostavlja dugotrajne posljedice na cjelokupan razvoj zajednice. S druge strane, sukobi uzrokuju degradaciju okoliša, raspad ekonomije i prisilno raseljavanje stanovništva što u konačnici uzrokuje glad i, naposljetku, bolest i smrt. U posljednjem desetljeću mnoge zemlje ulažu napore u provođenje zakona i strategija usmjerenih na rješavanje problema gladi. Nastoji se potaknuti i društvene skupine da aktivno sudjeluju kako bi uz pomoć međunarodne zajednice unaprijedili sigurnost hrane i osigurali pozitivne transformacije. ; The concept of human security was first highlighted in the UNDP report of 1994 and is based on two freedoms; freedom from want and freedom from fear. The widely accepted World Food Summit definition from 1996 emphasizes the importance of food availability, food access, food use and stability of food as key dimensions of food security. Although usually not the only cause of conflict, food insecurity represents a security threat since it serves as an initiator of violent actions. The presence of hunger and food insecurity increase the probability of protests and riots, which further causes insecurity among the population and leaves long-term consequences to the overall development of the community. On the other hand, conflicts cause the degradation of environment, economic disruption, forced displacement of the population which, in the end, causes hunger and ultimately disease and death. In the last decade, many countries have invested their efforts in law enforcement and strategies aimed at solving the problem of hunger. Countries also seek to activate social groups for participating actively in cooperation with international communities in order to enhance food security and ensure positive transformation.
