Suchergebnisse

The administration and the authority of the intermediate level are organized very different. The invoked reasons for creating this level are varied: for a better democracy, efficiency, effective, decentralization etc. But there are points of view which associate, especially the third intermediate level with bureaucracy amplification, corruption increasing, a bad management of the new structures created, the overlapping of the responsibilities in some technical, legislative or financial fields. The study systematized these points of view, as well as the initiated changes by the European Union on the organizational and structural aspects of the intermediate level.

When members of mission organizations perceive injustice within their organization, they work less effectively and attrition is more likely. This paper examines various types of
organizational justice (distributive, procedural, interpersonal, and informational) which need to be monitored and maximized to help mission organizations accomplish their goals.

Institution building is crucial for successful integration into the European Union (EU). Through the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA), Croatia bound itself to strengthen institutions at all levels in the area of the administration, priority areas being protection of competition and state aid. According to the demands that the EU has made on the public administrations of the accession countries in the pre-accession period, we shall identify the criteria for membership. We shall define the level of the fulfilment of conditions for membership and the measures that should be carried out during the process of the reform in Croatia by a comparative analysis of the state of affairs in Croatia, the candidates and the EU members. The main conclusion is that institutional weakness in Croatia is the outcome of failure to define the priorities and the timetable for the implementation of given reforms.

Considers three current interpretations of Karl Marx's theory of social justice, labeled young Hegelian cryptonormativism; scientific antinormativism; & life-liberal cryptonormativism, respectively. In the first interpretation, Marx explicitly repudiates distributive notions of justice, yet appears to retain a belief in some notion of justice. This paradox is explained as a consequence of Marx's faith in a young Hegelian metaphysical philosophy in which justice is defined as the recovery of an unalienated species-being. In the second interpretation, it is argued that Marx rejects notions of distributive justice, not because he is a young Hegelian metaphysic, but because of his scientific analysis of capitalist exploitation. The third interpretation sees in Marx's paradoxical views on justice an ethical vision representative of a liberal-humanist quest for substantive freedom & individual self-realization. It is concluded that, while there is much to recommend in these three interpretations, several issues remain unresolved in their debates: the value of Marx's Hegel, the usefulness of Marx's theory of human nature; & Marx's conception of the relation between labor & freedom. 110 References. D. Ryfe

Canada needs to change its electoral system for two primary reasons: it makes parliamentary representation impossible for parties in the minority locally; & the further the party system moves from a two-party model, as it has done in the past 10 years, the greater the perverse effects it generates. Despite these compelling reasons, there are two main obstacles to electoral reform: a new system would have to be adopted by a parliament elected under the old system, which might be detrimental to the party in government; many citizens do not understand the important impact of the electoral system & are easily persuaded by politicians that there is no such impact. This paper sets out the technical aspects of different electoral systems to demonstrate that their political consequences can differ considerably. It shows that with proportional representation, government will generally always be run by centrist parties that are essentially the same. The first-past-the-post system would not end the dysfunctional parliamentary system for at least several decades, if then. Alternative voting offers a solution to this problem. It would lead the major parties to take greater account of the positions held by the minor parties because of the public's alternative votes for the minority parties. Thus, the voters' views would be better represented. It is clear that any electoral reform should include alternative voting. J. Stanton

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) asserts that concepts of ethnocultural justice, public recognition, & accommodation of diversity are not novelties in Eastern Central Europe. Thus, it is contended that liberal-pluralist theory is not a revelation, but will have two key practical consequences: (1) Classical liberal teaching that speaks to ethnocultural neutrality might lead to majority aspirations & demagoguery & liberal canons might justify concepts equating majority with normalcy. (2) Liberal-pluralist concepts might provide a means to implement a policy of ethnocultural justice in the context of modern democracy. Three facets of ethnocultural justice are then identified: separate space for minorities, equitable sharing of public space, & neutralization of ethnic undercurrents & biases. The last facet is elaborated on in the context of former Yugoslavia before considering the Dayton Agreement as a lost opportunity for turning to Western liberal-pluralist political theory as a springboard to ethnocultural justice. It is concluded that the Eastern Central European experience demonstrates that ethnocultural neutrality & group-neutral regulation cannot accommodate cultural pluralism nor guarantee stable & peaceful ethnic majority-minority relations. Western liberal-pluralist theory eschews diversity & cannot provide viable models of accommodation & cohabitation in the context of ethnic pluralism. J. Zendejas

A comment on Will Kymlicka's "Western Political Theory and Ethnic Relations in Eastern Europe" (2001) asserts that concepts of ethnocultural justice, public recognition, & accommodation of diversity are not novelties in Eastern Central Europe. Thus, it is contended that liberal-pluralist theory is not a revelation, but will have two key practical consequences: (1) Classical liberal teaching that speaks to ethnocultural neutrality might lead to majority aspirations & demagoguery & liberal canons might justify concepts equating majority with normalcy. (2) Liberal-pluralist concepts might provide a means to implement a policy of ethnocultural justice in the context of modern democracy. Three facets of ethnocultural justice are then identified: separate space for minorities, equitable sharing of public space, & neutralization of ethnic undercurrents & biases. The last facet is elaborated on in the context of former Yugoslavia before considering the Dayton Agreement as a lost opportunity for turning to Western liberal-pluralist political theory as a springboard to ethnocultural justice. It is concluded that the Eastern Central European experience demonstrates that ethnocultural neutrality & group-neutral regulation cannot accommodate cultural pluralism nor guarantee stable & peaceful ethnic majority-minority relations. Western liberal-pluralist theory eschews diversity & cannot provide viable models of accommodation & cohabitation in the context of ethnic pluralism. J. Zendejas