[1+] p. ; Part of title suggested by STC (2nd ed.). ; Attributed to the Privy Council by STC (2nd ed.). ; Publisher and date of imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). ; "Here in the Parliament holden at Westminster the xii. day of January, in the fifth yere of the raigne of our soueraigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie"--First two lines of text. ; Imperfect: cropped and torn with loss of print; lacking all after p. [1]. ; Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library.
Social media provides ethno-racial immigrant groups—especially those who cannot vote due to factors such as lack of citizenship and limited English proficiency—the ability to mobilize and connect around collective issues. Online spaces and discussion forums have encouraged many Asian Americans to participate in public policy debates and take action on social justice issues. This form of digital group activism serves as an adaptive political empowerment strategy for the fastest-growing and largest foreign-born population in America. Asian American Connective Action in the Age of Social Media illuminates how associating online can facilitate and amplify traditional forms of political action. James Lai provides diverse case studies on contentious topics ranging from affirmative action debates to textbook controversies to emphasize the complexities, limitations, and challenges of connective action that is relevant to all racial groups. Using a detailed multi-methods approach that includes national survey data and Twitter hashtag analysis, he shows how traditional immigrants, older participants, and younger generations create online consensus and mobilize offline to foment political change. In doing so, Lai provides a nuanced glimpse into the multiple ways connective action takes shape within the Asian American community. ; https://scholarcommons.scu.edu/faculty_books/1523/thumbnail.jpg
Abstract In Colombia, political decisions related to the countryside preserve an unjust social order, maintaining inequities and obstacles to the well-being and life quality of farmers. In this scenario the Territorial Arrangement Planning of the San Nicolas Valley, in the East of the department of Antioquia, has generated a series of rural conflicts that accentuate the vulnerabilities of rural residents, threatening the agricultural tradition in this subregion. Thus, this study inquired about the perceptions of legality in the peasant population of the area. A descriptive-correlational study with non-probabilistic sampling was carried out, including 380 peasants, members of civic-rural associations of the San Nicolas Valley, evaluating in four scales: beliefs, values, knowledge of the law and perceived legality in the context. Statistical analyses were performed in SPSS v.22 software. The findings indicated significant relationships between the study variables. Despite the state abandonment of the proletariat to market forces in an area with socioeconomic imbalances, no determining link was found between low income and violation of the law.
[6] p. ; Caption title. ; Imprint from colophon. ; Date of publication suggested by STC (2nd ed) and NUC pre-1956 imprints. ; "Cum priuilegio ad imprimendum solum"--Colophon. ; Signatures: A⁴ (last leaf blank). ; Reproduction of original in the Harvard University. Library.
Detailed instructions to deputies of the Estates General of 1588 covering matters of justice, religion, universities, dress, execution of ordinances, military, etc. ; Electronic reproduction ; 40 p. ; 15 cm.
Compilation of 150 ordinances proclaimed during the reign of Charles IX. The ordinances are divided into ecclesiastical, justice, the university, nobility, taxes, and commerce. Includes an index. ; Electronic reproduction; 38, [10] leaves ; 16 cm.
[71] p. ; Special t.p.: A collection of the substaunce of certaine necessary statutes, to be by justices of the peace diligently executed, within euery shire of the realm. ; Second part has 1561 publication date. ; Place of publication and publisher from colophon. ; Title within ornamental border. ; Signatures: A-I⁴. ; Reproduction of original in the Christ Church (University of Oxford). Library.
ABSTRACT Objective: to discuss the role of Brazilian nursing to face political, economic and sanitary challenges that compose the crisis situation related to Covid-19 pandemics. Methods: Critical-thinking study with analytics characteristics, based on latin-american critical epidemiology and on the concept of social determination of health. Results: the central issues related to the Brazilian political-economic and health scenario are problematized, with emphasis on the impacts in terms of social inequality deepening. Nursing role is discussed considering the impacts in these worker's health, and the relevance of nurses' actions in the several professional practice scenarios to defend social protection. Conclusions: the role of Brazilian nursing as a social practice for the defense of life and universal access to health is reaffirmed as a way of achieving social justice.
In its 2009 decision in Infopaq (C-5/08), the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) achieved a landmark result: the de facto, horizontal harmonization of the originality requirement. After that, nothing could stay the same. After providing an overview of the harmonization process in the copyright field over the past 30 years or so and, with that, the environment in which Infopaq came to be, this chapter considers Infopaq and the expansive effect of subsequent case law on other copyright subsistence requirements. The analysis also notes how the eventual outcome of Cofemel (C-683/17), insofar as works of applied art are concerned, is perfectly in line with such a jurisprudence. The chapter further considers the legal and institutional difficulties that such a string of CJEU decisions has given rise to and is yet to resolve before concluding that further questions are likely to be posed to the CJEU in the not too distant future. In other words: the construction of EU copyright is far from over.
Defence date: 21 September 2020 (Online) ; Examining Board: Pr. Loïc Azoulai (Sciences-Po Paris, Directeur de thèse); Pr. Olivier Beaud (Université Paris II Panthéon-Assas, Co-directeur de thèse); Pr. Xavier Pin (Université Jean Moulin, Lyon 3); Pr. Christoph Schönberger (Université de Constance) ; Awarded the 2021 Prix Dalloz ; Awarded the 2021 Best Thesis Prize in the category "Concepts fondamentaux du droit constitutionnel" from the "Institut francophone pour la Justice et la Démocratie" Louis Joinet (previously the 'Fondation Varenne') ; Il est d'usage de considérer que la citoyenneté étatique, en tant qu'elle désigne une appartenance statutaire, est un concept de clôture qui implique l'inclusion aussi bien que l'exclusion. À rebours de la littérature dominante sur la citoyenneté en droit qui privilégie généralement sa dimension inclusive, cette thèse entreprend un renversement de perspective : elle se propose de théoriser la citoyenneté en creux, à partir de ses exclus, de définir autrement dit le citoyen par le non-citoyen. L'exclu étudié en droit français n'est pas la figure paradigmatique de l'étranger, mais celle du criminel déchu de ses droits politiques à la suite d'une condamnation pénale. Nous faisons l'hypothèse de la valeur heuristique d'une étude proprement juridique et non normative de la notion constitutionnelle de citoyenneté à partir du droit pénal en général, et des sanctions privant le condamné de ses droits de citoyen en particulier. L'apport de cette recherche est double : il concerne à titre premier la citoyenneté dont on entend examiner les bénéficiaires, la nature (les valeurs) et le contenu matériel (les droits et les devoirs). Nous démontrons (1) que par différence avec la nationalité, la citoyenneté a historiquement une dimension axiologique et qu'elle protège la moralité publique. Cette affirmation semble de prime abord remise en cause aujourd'hui en raison de l'influence du droit des droits de l'homme sur la matière. Plus qu'à la substitution d'un modèle de citoyenneté à un autre, nous établissons (2) que l'on a affaire à une tension au cœur du régime actuel de la citoyenneté. À titre second, nous contribuons en filigrane à une lecture de la démocratie en soutenant (1) que la lutte pour les droits politiques des derniers exclus de la nation (les condamnés et les « aliénés ») correspond moins à une revendication de participation politique qu'à une demande d'inclusion sociale ; (2) que le citoyen, dans cette lutte, tend à disparaître derrière le sujet de droit doté de droits opposables.
