Suchergebnisse

Hrvatski izvornik: Senker, Boris (2019): S obiju strana rampe: Ogledi o hrvatskoj drami i kazalištu. Zagreb, Leykam international, str. 169–176; 223–235. Njemački izvornik: Laitko, Hubert: Die Etablierung der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Akademiehistorische Weichenstellung in der Frühphase des Kalten Krieges. U: Feichtinger Johannes i Heidemarie Uhl (2018): Die Akademien der Wissenschaften in Zentraleuropa im Kalten Krieg: Transformationsprozesse im Spanngsfeld von Abgrenzung und Annäherung. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, str. 341–364. ; Kroatischer Ausgangstext: Senker, Boris (2019): S obiju strana rampe: Ogledi o hrvatskoj drami i kazalištu. Zagreb, Leykam international, S. 169–176; 223–235. Deutscher Ausgangstext: Laitko, Hubert: Die Etablierung der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Akademiehistorische Weichenstellung in der Frühphase des Kalten Krieges. In: Feichtinger Johannes i Heidemarie Uhl (2018): Die Akademien der Wissenschaften in Zentraleuropa im Kalten Krieg: Transformationsprozesse im Spanngsfeld von Abgrenzung und Annäherung. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, S. 341–364.

Polazeći od gnome B 53 DK, koja u hrvatskom prijevodu glasi: »Rat svih otac je i svih kralj, i jedne kao bogove iskaza, a druge kao ljude, jedne sužnjevima učini, a druge slobodnima«, razmatra se Heraklitovo poimanje suprotnosti rata (πόλεμος) i mira (εἰρήυη). Ta se suprotnost javlja u gnomi B 67 kao jedna od temeljnih suprotnosti, u kojoj se obrće bivanje bivajućeg u cjelini po zakonu vječnoga zbora (λόγος). U gnomi B 80, gdje je riječ o tome da je rat zajedan svim bivajućima (πόλεμου ἐόντα ξυνόν), ratu se pridaje isto određenje kao i samomu zboru. Rat nije samo u suprotnosti prema miru nego i prema skladu (ἁρμονίη), pri čemu su to dva temeljna, međusobno suprotna i supripadna određenja zbora kao onoga istoga u odnosu suprotnosti uopće. Rat se, dakle, promatra u cijelom rasponu njegova očitovanja od rata među ljudima i bogovima preko sukoba unutar svakog pojedinog bivajućeg i među bivajućima u cjelini, sve do vrhovnoga zakona prema kojem sva bivajuća bivaju. U svezi s pojmom rata razmatra se također i s njime neposredno povezan pojam spora ili sukoba (ἔρις), koji se u gnomi B 80 poistovjećuje s pravdom (δίϰη). Pokazuje se kako se suprotnost rata i mira u Heraklita svodi na suprotnost raznosa (διαφρα) i sunosa (συμφορα), odnosno razdvajanja i sjedinjavanja, koja je u osnovi bivanja bivajućeg u cjelini. ; Ausgehend von der Gnome B 53 DK, die in der deutschen Übersetzung lautet: "Der Krieg ist von allem der Vater, von allem der König, und die einen erwies er als Götter, und die anderen als Menschen, die einen machte er zu Knechten und die anderen zu Freien", wird Heraklits Auffassung des Gegensatzes von Krieg (πόλεμος) und Frieden (eijrhvnh) erörtert. Dieser Gegensatz kommt in der Gnome B 67 zum Wort als einer der Grundgegensätze, in welchem sich das Werden des Werdenden im Ganzen gemäß dem Gesetz des ewigen Logos vollzieht. In der Gnome B 80, wo die Rede davon ist, dass der Krieg für alles Werdende gemeinsam ist (πόλεμου ἐόντα ξυνόν), wird dem Krieg dieselbe Bestimmung zugesprochen, wie dem Logos selbst. Der Krieg steht nicht nur im Gegensatz zum Frieden, sondern auch zur Harmonie (ἁρμονίη), wobei diese zwei zueinander gegensätzlichen und zusammengehörenden Grundbestimmungen des Logos sind, der das Selbe im Gegensatzverhältnis überhaupt ist. Der Krieg wird also in seiner ganzen Reichweite betrachtet, als Krieg zwischen Menschen und Göttern, als Streit innerhalb jedes einzelnen Werdenden und jedes einzelnen Werdenden und als das höchste Gesetz, als das höchst Gesetz des Werdens. Im Zusammenhang mit dem Begriff des Krieges wird auch der Begriff des Streites (ἔρις) durchdacht, der in der Gnome B 80 mit der Gerechtigkeit (δίϰη) gleichgesetzt ist. Es wird gezeigt, dass der Gegensatz von Krieg und Frieden bei Heraklit sich auf den Gegensatz von Auseinanderbringen (διαφρα) und Zusammenbringen (συμφορα), bzw. von Trennung und Vereinigung, zurückführen lässt, der dem Werden des Werdenden im Ganzen zugrunde liegt.

Domaća politička dinamika, razjedinjenost i preusmjereni prioriteti EU-a, kao i smanjenje geostrateške uloge u NATO-u potaknuli su Tursku na to da se okrene prema novome političkom modelu u kojemu u vanjskoj politici potpuno prevladavaju suženi nacionalni interesi. Potraga za fleksibilnim savezništvima sa zapadnim suparnicima iznjedrila je odnose koji su više transakcijske prirode. Turska, naime, drži kako su njezine tradicionalne veze sa zapadnim svijetom neravnopravne te povremeno čak štete njezinim interesima. Odnosi Ankare sa SAD-om i EU-om nikada nisu bili na visokoj razini, od čega je Rusija oduvijek imala najveću korist. U tursko-ruskom "braku iz koristi" Rusija je uvelike moćniji partner pa Turska neprekidno teži važnijoj ulozi na Bliskom istoku, Balkanu, Kavkazu, u Srednjoj Aziji i nekim dijelovima Afrike. U želji za povećanjem svojeg utjecaja na tim područjima, ona se služi svim raspoloživim sredstvima. S obzirom na svoje ambiciozno vodstvo, kooperativna gospodarska politika postala je isključivija i usredotočena na smanjenje sigurnosnih prijetnji. Zbog svega toga zemlja je suočena s brojnim akterima na različitim razinama, uključujući i globalne "teškaše". ; Following domestic political dynamics, disunity and redirected priorities of the EU and decreasing in its NATO geostrategic role, Turkey turned to new policy norm where narrowed national interests gained absolute dominance in foreign relations. The ensuing quest for flexible alliances with Western rivals has generated more transactional and compartmentalized relationships with Western powers as Turkey considers its traditional ties with them as unequal and at times unfavorable to its interests. From historic low points in relations with US and EU, more often benefits Russia as a more powerful partner in 'marriage of convenience' with Turkey. Turkey in regions as Middle East, Balkan, Caucasus, Central Asia and some part of Africa, aims for a larger role and persistently builds its capacity to influence events. The ambitious leadership and the transformation of the cooperative and economically based Turkish policy to one more exclusive and security-oriented, confronted Turkey with a myriad of actors of various scales including global heavyweights.

Kao netipičan proizvod masovne kulture, popularna serija Zapadni svijet (Westworld, 2016. – ) suočava nas sa složenim distopijskim narativom oblikovanim oko niza političkih problema značajnih za suvremeno društvo. Donosi nam pastiš američke povijesti u vidu istoimenog zabavnog parka na temu Divljeg zapada, predstavljenog u obliku simulakruma (J. Baudrillard, G. Deleuze). Kao slika bez uzora, ovaj park koristi mrežu označitelja prošlosti da bi uspostavio prostor za ostvarenje fantazija svojih gostiju, komodificirajući ono imaginarno i za vlasnike parka time stvarajući višak vrijednosti. Unutar parka nalaze se svjesni androidi koji izvršavaju sav rad neophodan za neometano funkcioniranje parka, no njihova svijest i rad nisu prepoznati i prihvaćeni. Zbog toga što se u strukturnom smislu nalaze u robovskoj poziciji u odnosu na ljude, u ovom ćemo radu seriju čitati kao političku alegoriju o dijalektici gospodara i roba (Hegel), uspostavljenu u srcu hiperrealnosti koja nagovještava mogućnost ponovnog povratka realnog. Ta se mogućnost zasniva na pobuni androida. Moja će analiza pokazati da, zahvaljujući modelu samosvijesti koji zastupa, ova serije ne može ispuniti ono što nagovještava. ; As an atypical product of mass culture, the acclaimed series Westworld (2016­) presents us with a layered dystopian narrative formed around several political issues relevant to our contemporary society. It uses a pastiche of the American history, staged as the Wild West­themed amusement park, presented in the form of simulacrum (J. Baudrillard, G. Deleuze). As a reference with no referent, this park uses a network of historical signifiers to construct a space for the externalisation of fantasies of its clients, consequently commodifying the imaginary itself, and creating surplus value for its owners. Simultaneously, within its reach, conscious androids conduct all of the necessary labour for its unimpeded functioning, although their consciousness and labour are not recognised and accepted. Because they structurally occupy a position of slaves in relation to humans, I will analyse this series as a political allegory on the master­slave dialectics (Hegel) established in the very heart of hyperreality that suggests a possibility of the return of the real, based on the rebellion of the androids. I intend to show how, because of the model of consciousness it maintains, the series is unable to fulfil what it implies.

The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established. ; The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.

Osnovni cilj Europske Unije je promicati mir, stabilnost i gospodarski razvoj u državama zapadnog Balkana, a posljedično i integriranje ovih zemalja u EU. Danas Crna Gora, Srbija, Sjeverna Makedonija i Albanija imaju status zemlje kandidata za ulazak u EU, a Bosna i Hercegovina i Kosovo status zemlje potencijalnog kandidata. Najizgledniji ulazak u Europsku Uniju u bliskoj budućnosti imaju Srbija i Crna Gora koje su napravile već veliki iskorak na svom pristupnom putu, dok druge zemlje također teže bržoj integraciji. Među mnoštvom problema s kojima su suočene, prije svega lošim susjedskim odnosima, uzrok sporog integracijskog procesa leži i u tome što domaće političke elite teško pronalaze kompromis između onoga što Europska Unija zahtjeva od svake države kandidatkinje i onogo što očekuje domaća javnost. Ipak, politika širenja EU-a nalazi se u osnovi nastanka i razvoja EU-a, pa u bliskoj budućnosti možemo vjerovati da će zemlje zapadnog Balkana vremenom integrirati u Europsku Uniju. ; The main goal of the European Union is to promote peace, stability and economic development in the countries of Western Balkans , and consecutively, integration of the aforementioned countries into the EU. Today, Montenegro, Serbia, Northern Macedonia and Albania have the status for future membership of the EU while Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo have the status of potential candidates. Serbia and Montenegro have already made a major leap forwards on their access path, have the best prospects for entering the EU in the near future, with the other countries also striving towards a faster integration. Amongst a myriad of problems they're facing, first and foremost being bad relations with neighbouring countries, the cause for a slow integration process lies also in the fact that domestic political elites find it hard to compromise between what the EU demands of each candidate country and what domestic public expects. However, the EU expansion policy is in the heart of its origin and development. Therefore, it is likely that the Western Balkans countries will eventually enter the EU in the near future.

Osnovni cilj Europske Unije je promicati mir, stabilnost i gospodarski razvoj u državama zapadnog Balkana, a posljedično i integriranje ovih zemalja u EU. Danas Crna Gora, Srbija, Sjeverna Makedonija i Albanija imaju status zemlje kandidata za ulazak u EU, a Bosna i Hercegovina i Kosovo status zemlje potencijalnog kandidata. Najizgledniji ulazak u Europsku Uniju u bliskoj budućnosti imaju Srbija i Crna Gora koje su napravile već veliki iskorak na svom pristupnom putu, dok druge zemlje također teže bržoj integraciji. Među mnoštvom problema s kojima su suočene, prije svega lošim susjedskim odnosima, uzrok sporog integracijskog procesa leži i u tome što domaće političke elite teško pronalaze kompromis između onoga što Europska Unija zahtjeva od svake države kandidatkinje i onogo što očekuje domaća javnost. Ipak, politika širenja EU-a nalazi se u osnovi nastanka i razvoja EU-a, pa u bliskoj budućnosti možemo vjerovati da će zemlje zapadnog Balkana vremenom integrirati u Europsku Uniju. ; The main goal of the European Union is to promote peace, stability and economic development in the countries of Western Balkans , and consecutively, integration of the aforementioned countries into the EU. Today, Montenegro, Serbia, Northern Macedonia and Albania have the status for future membership of the EU while Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo have the status of potential candidates. Serbia and Montenegro have already made a major leap forwards on their access path, have the best prospects for entering the EU in the near future, with the other countries also striving towards a faster integration. Amongst a myriad of problems they're facing, first and foremost being bad relations with neighbouring countries, the cause for a slow integration process lies also in the fact that domestic political elites find it hard to compromise between what the EU demands of each candidate country and what domestic public expects. However, the EU expansion policy is in the heart of its origin and development. Therefore, it is likely that the ...

The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run. ; The role of the European Union (EU) trade liberalisation with the Western Balkans — namely Kosovo, Montenegro, Albania, and Macedonia — is overestimated, as major benefits could be expected mainly from institutional reforms rather than trade creation and economic perspective due to low economic development and a lack of comparative advantages in these countries.1 The core issue to be addressed in this article is whether these firms can exploit the opportunities arising from the EU integration process. The aim of this article is to confirm the hypothesis that the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and trade agreements in the Western Balkans are not sufficient pre-conditions for successful performance and increase of exports by local firms; the main focus should be on the internal performance of firms. The paper analyses and compares the data collected by surveys conducted with local firms in Kosovo in order to measure the impact of the SAA. Finally, the article suggests that in the short and medium run the SAA could support and improve the quality of products, technical standards, and firm competitiveness as a pre-condition for better access to the EU market in the long run.

Svjetska ekonomska kriza zahvatila je zemlje Zapadnog Balkana. Recesija koju je karakteriziralo smanjenje privredne aktivnosti, pad potrošnje i povećanje zaposlenosti bila je praćena smanjenjem javnih prihoda. Posljedica takvog stanja je budžetska neravnoteža koja se manifestirala u vidu strukturnog budžetskog deficita i rasta javnog duga. Fiskalna konsolidacija u svim zemljama bila je neophodna. U procesu fiskalne konsolidacije dolazi do promjene pojedinih elemenata fiskalne politike koji se razlikuju od zemlje do zemlje. U tom procesu , struktura javnih prihoda i javnih rashoda se mijenja. Postavlja se pitanje koliko je fiskalna konsolidacija bila uspješna i u kojoj mjeri. Dinamička panel analiza pomoću PMG procjenitelja u šest zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, za period od 2004-2016. godine pokazala je da fiskalna konsolidacija ima pozitivan utjecaj na ekonomski rast. Dakle, zemlje Zapadnog Balkana moraju voditi odgovorne financije kako bi potakle ekonomski rast. ; The global economic crisis has not spared the countries of the Western Balkans. The ensuing recession, characterized by a decline in economic activity, a decline in consumption and an increase in unemployment, went hand in hand with drops in public revenues. This in turn resulted in budget imbalances that manifested in structural budget deficits and higher public debt. Fiscal consolidation was deemed necessary across the board. In this process, certain fiscal policy elements varied among countries. The structure of public revenues and public expenditures changed. The question is whether the fiscal consolidation was successful and to what extent. Dynamic panel analysis using PMG estimator in six Western Balkan Countries for the period 2004-2016 has shown that fiscal consolidation has positive impact on economic growth in this region. So, Western Balkan Countries have to conduct responsible public finances in order to encourage economic growth.

U radu se analizira djelovanje dviju temeljnih međunarodnih organizacija - Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda - uključenih u razdoblje Domovinskog rata, tj. razdoblje stvaranja samostalne hrvatske države (1991.-1995.). Djelovanje tih organizacija analizira se u dvostrukom smislu - u širem kontekstu te na primjeru konkretne regije (zapadna Slavonija). Rad predstavlja prvu znanstvenu analizu djelovanja Europske zajednice i Ujedinjenih naroda u Hrvatskoj 1991.-1995. (s posebnim naglaskom na provedbu koncepta mirovne operacije Ujedinjenih naroda). ; The paper analyzes the effects of two fundamental international organizations - the European Community and United Nations - involved in the war period, ie the creation of an independent Croatian state (1991.-1995.). Effect of the above organizations is analyzed in a double sense - in a broader context and the specific example of the region (Western Slavonia). The work represents the first scientific analysis action of the European Community and the United Nations in Croatia, 1991.-1995. (with special emphasis on the implementation of the concept of peacekeeping operations of the United Nations).

Budućnost Zapadnog Balkana u svjetlu evropske integracije umnogome počiva na nizu različitih faktora koji nijesu dominantno i jedino vezani za same države ovog regiona. Iako sam proces integracije u EU presudno zavisi od spremnosti i sposobnosti država kandidata i potencijalnih kandidata da sprovedu sve potrebne reforme, transponuju pravnu tekovinu i ostvare tzv. evropski standard u zakonodavstvu i u praksi, on se ne odvija u vakuumu. Prije svega treba imati na umu da će razvoj situacije unutar Evropske unije imati značajnog uticaja na brzinu, dubinu i kvalitet ulaska preostalih balkanskih zemalja u Uniju. Evropska unija odnosno njezine države članice su te koje određuju i postavljaju pravila, te i snose najveću odgovornost za politiku proširenja. Pored toga ne smiju se zanemariti ni uticaji trećih strana koji su sve primjetniji i akutniji u regionu. Usporavanje reformi, evropsko upravljanje krizama, pojačana ili slabija uloga trećih aktera, sve to će bitno odrediti kakav proces evrointegracije predstoji u narednim godinama te, u skladu s time, i način na koji će on uticati na stabilnost i budućnost samih zemalja proširenja. U tom smislu, Zapadni Balkan istovremeno živi u promjenljivim stvarnostima koje donose različite ishode i mogućnosti. Ovaj članak, pored pregleda stanja na Zapadnom Balkanu, stoga daje i moguće scenarije za budući period. ; This article deals with the future of the Western Balkans in the light of a number of different factors that are not solely and purely connected to the countries of the region. Although the very process of integration into the EU is predominantly dependant on the readiness and the ability of the candidate and potential candidate countries to implement all the needed reforms, transpose the acquis and achieve the so-called European standard in legislation and in practice, the process is not being conducted in a vacuum. First of all, we should bear in mind that the development of the situation within the EU shall have crucial impact on the speed, depth and quality of the entrance of the remaining Balkan countries into the Union. Apart from that, we cannot ignore the influences of the third actors, which have become more visible and acute in the region. The EU and its Member States are the ones that define and set up the rules, therefore they bear most of the responsibility for the Enlargement Policy. Laggardness in reforms, EU crisis management, a stronger or weaker role of the third actors – all this shall determine what kind of process of European integration we shall have in the next years, and in line with it, the manner in which the process shall influence the stability and future of the enlargement countries. In this context, the Western Balkans simultaneously lives in variable realities that bring different outcomes and possibilities. This article, apart from the presentation of the situation in the Western Balkans, offers possible scenarios for the future.

U ovom radu autor analizira koliko su pitanja vezana za status etničkih manjina i dalje značajna na Zapadnom Balkanu. Autor smatra da su ona umnogome i dalje nedovoljno adekvatno riješena i da zahtijevaju da se pored valjane implementacije međunarodnih i europskih standarda promijeni i praksa, što podrazumijeva stvarno odsustvo diskriminacije. U tom smislu u radu se analizira i koliko ova pitanja utječu na bilateralne odnose između država regije Zapadnog Balkana, kao i njima susjednih, koje su već članice Europske unije (Hrvatske, Mađarske, Grčke, Rumunjske i Bugarske). Autor zaključuje da će se zbog toga u procesu pristupanja pojedinih zemalja Zapadnog Balkana europskim integracijama upravo pitanja manjina i reguliranja njihovog statusa dodatno aktualizirati, kada je riječ o njihovom članstvu u Europskoj uniji. Međutim, on ujedno naglašava da rješavanje manjinskih pitanja na Zapadnom Balkanu neće biti lako, odnosno da će taj proces potrajati dulje vremensko razdoblje. ; The author analyzes the significance of issues related to the status of ethnic minorities in the Western Balkans. According to the author, in many ways these are still inadequately resolved and require, in addition to the proper implementation of international and European standards in this respect, the change in practice, which actually involves non-discrimination. In this sense, the paper analyzes how these issues affect the bilateral relations between the countries of the Western Balkans, as well as their neighbors, that are already members of the European Union (Croatia, Hungary, Greece, Romania and Bulgaria). Therefore, the author concludes that in the future course of European integration of the Western Balkans countries, minority issues and regulation of their status will appear topical and often decisive when it comes to EU membership. However, he argues that the solution for these issues will not be easily reachable and that the process will take a longer period.

Srpska pobuna na početku devedesetih zahvatila je i zapadnu Slavoniju. Pobunjeni Srbi u zapadnoj Slavoniji radili su tijekom druge polovine 1990. i u 1991. na ustroju administrativno-teritorijalne cjeline koju bi činio prostor nastanjen srpskim stanovništvom između rijeka Save i Drave. Osnivanjem paradržave Republike Srpske Krajine (RSK) okupirano područje zapadne Slavonije ulazi u njezin sastav, čineći jednu od triju teritorijalnih jedinica tzv. RSK pod nazivom Srpska oblast Zapadna Slavonija. Središnji dio rada obrađuje razdoblje od početka 1992. godine odnosno od stupanja na snagu Sarajevskoga primirja (3. siječnja 1992.). U okviru prikaza razvoja srpske pobune u zapadnoj Slavoniji, kao dijela srpske agresije na Republiku Hrvatsku, situacija na bojištu prikazana je u osnovnim crtama jer je ovo istraživanje posvećeno prikazu političkih i društvenih prilika na promatranom području. Ustroj i djelovanje institucija, počevši od funkcioniranja državnih tijela uprave, policije i pravosudnog sustava, sustava javnih institucija i socijalnih službi, državnih privrednih poduzeća te vezano uz to i privatnog poduzetništva, kao i stupanj realizacije najnužnijih preduvjeta za funkcioniranje paradržave pobunjenih Srba na navedenom području, osnovne su istraživačke teme doktorskoga rada. Pri tome su analizirani resursi (financijski, gospodarski, kadrovski) s kojima su tzv. RSK i Srpska oblast Zapadna Slavonija raspolagale, te unutarnji i vanjski čimbenici koji su utjecali na proces ustroja srpske vlasti na okupiranom području, uključujući i promjene u političko-vojnim prilikama koje su utjecale na stanje u tzv. RSK. ; doktorskog rada (en.): The Serb rebellion in the beginning of the nineties appeared and spread also in the Western Slavonia. The rebelled Serbs in Western Slavonia worked during the first half of the 1990, and in the beginning of the 1991 on forming administrative - territorial zones which would include the area between the rivers Sava and Drava, inhabited by the Serb population. By establishment and founding of the Republic of Serbian Krajina ("RSK") the rest of the occupied territory held by rebelled Serbs in Western Slavonia became a part of RSK, being one of three territorial units of "RSK", under the official tittle of Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Western Slavonia. Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Western Slavonia was in many ways in specific position according to the other parts of "RSK", mostly because of its geographical segregation, isolation and considering the littleness of the territory it included. Due to the ineffective functioning of the so called state institutions in Knin that part of RSK was left on its own and to its very restricted, limited possibilities in revitalising economy and the state institutions. All of that resulted in the fact that the leadership of "SAO Zapadna Slavonija" was more cooperative and willing to work with the representatives of the UNPROFOR and even but in limited extent with the Croatian officials.rnThe main part of the work deals with the period after the cessation of armed conflicts which came to light in the beginning of 1992. The primary and capital goal of these doctoral dissertation was to describe and to elaborate the founding and acting of rebelled Serbs institutions, firstly from functioning of administration bodies, police, judicial system, secondly the research attention was given to system of public and social institutions, state companies and in accordance to that the author deals also with the operating of the private economical sector and the rate of realisation of the elementary preconditions needed for the functioning of the para-state of the rebelled Serbs in the defined domain of investigation. In doing so the author has analysed the disposal and use of financial, economic and personal resources of the RSK and the Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Western Slavonia. Furthermore the external and internal factors which influenced on the establishment of Serbian administration on the occupied Croatian ground additionally to earlier mentioned political-military circumstances which had effect on RSK were also a subject of study in the thesis.

Pri usporedbi demografskih procesa i promjena u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama i u Hrvatskoj često se u nas površno tvrdi da se radi o "identičnim procesima." Međutim, demografsko-statistička analitička usporedba pojedinih agregatnih i parcijalnih demografskih procesa u navedenim zemljama i u Hrvatskoj pokazuje da o identičnim procesima možemo govoriti samo kada je u pitanju dugoročni smjer promjene tih procesa, kao što je primjerice proces prirodne promjene stanovništva koji obilježava smanjivanje stopa nataliteta/ fertiliteta i proces starenja stanovništva koji obilježava porast staračkog stanovništva u ukupnom stanovništvu. Kod usporedbe mnogih drugih agregatnih i parcijalnih demografskih procesa u zapadnoeuropskim zemljama i u Hrvatskoj, napose kada je u pitanju srednjoročna i kratkoročna promjena, analiza pokazuje da se ne radi o identičnim procesima ni prema smjeru promjene, ni prema veličini, ni prema intenzitetu, ni prema strukturi promjene određenog demografskog procesa. U ovom ćemo radu nastojati te konstatacije potkrijepiti relevantnim podacima i pokazateljima za Hrvatsku i izabrane zapadnoeuropske zemlje. ; In this paper, main demographic processes and demographic balance in Croatia and in 18 Western European countries, mostly EU members, have been compared. The conclusion was that demographic processes in Croatia differed from the ones in the said Western European countries during previous two and a half decades. Among the analysed countries, Croatia was the only one with a permanent yearly decrease in the total population number during previous two and a half decades, while the analysed Western European countries have synchronously recorded a constant increase in the total population number. The analysis of the structure of the demographic balance of Croatia and the said countries shows – according to its basic components – a significantly different structure. In Croatia, above all, both summary components of the demographic balance are negative, so that the decrease in the total population number has been synchronously conditioned by natural population decrease and negative migration balance. However, this structure is different in the analysed Western European countries. It is evident that the increase in the total population number in these countries has been synchronously conditioned by positive migration balance and positive natural change, i.e. natural population increase. These aggregate and structural characteristics of the final result of demographic balance and its structures in Croatia and in the said countries have had an entirely different influence on future demographic movements and changes of the structures in Croatia and in the said countries: in Croatia, projections indicate that unfavourable demographic changes will become intensified in the future; while in Western European countries, they foresee a further increase in the total population number, in particular population capable for work, which is related to future positive structural demographic changes.

Odnos društva i prostora karakteriziran je dinamikom načina života, vrijednosti, normi i običaja koji pokreću razvojne procese. U taj odnos kulture i prirode, čovjek unosi društvene vrijednosti kojima djeluje na prirodne resurse. Stoga, socio-prostorna analiza uključuje različite aspekte: ekološki, ambijentalni, ekonomski, socijalni, kulturni, a odgovornost za različite procese kojima se prostor transformira može se pripisati različitim socijalnim akterima, među kojima lokalna zajednica ima posebnu ulogu. Suvremene planerske prakse, na temelju koncepata komunikativnog planiranja, sve više naglašavaju primjerenost pristupa "odozdo" i važnost uključivanja lokalne zajednice u sve faze planiranja i implementacije prostornih strategija. Pri tome treba naglasiti konsenzus oko dvije vrijednosti: ekološke i socijalne održivosti. Na njima se, posljedično, oblikuju i kriteriji djelovanja. Ekološka održivost odnosi se na zaštitu cjeline života i životnih uvjeta. Socijalna održivost odnosi se na uvođenje participativnog procesa, postizanje uravnotežene zajednice, socijalne kohezije i zajednice koja je pravedna, raznovrsna, povezana i demokratična. Ovim se nastoji osigurati razvoj koji bi bio ekološki održiv i socijalno nekonfliktan. Analiza socio-prostornog razvoja Sjeverozapadne Hrvatske obuhvatila je pet županija:. Na prvoj razini analizirani su prostorni planovi pet županija s ciljem da se utvrdi u kojoj mjeri uključuju dimenzije socijalne i ekološke održivosti. Na drugoj strani razmatrani su rezultati dva istraživanja stavova lokalnog stanovništva u pogledu participacije u zajednici i stavova o okolišu i rizicima. Rezultati su pokazali da je koncept ekološke održivosti prihvaćen od strane lokalnog stanovništva i uključen u plansku dokumentaciju. S druge strane, koncept socijalne održivosti nije uključen u županijske planove. Lokalna javnost kao partner, participacija, informiranje i jačanje lokalne demokracije nije implementirana u prostorne planove. Anketna istraživanja pokazala su da su ekološke vrijednosti visoko su izražene i čine dobru vrijednosnu osnovu razvoja. U pogledu praksi socijalne održivosti, oko 30% lokalnih stanovnika ovog prostora, u svakodnevnom životu sudjeluje u participativnom procesu. Rezultati upućuju na potrebu da se usklade normativna razina i svakodnevne prakse. Ideju o lokalnoj javnosti kao partneru u planiranju potrebno je afirmirati i na normativnoj razini, kroz prostorne planove, kako bi se ojačale demokratske procedure i stvorio okvir za efikasnije djelovanje civilnog sektora koji već i sada djeluje u lokalnim zajednicama. ; The relationship between society and space is characterized by lifestyle dynamics, values, norms and habits that drive development processes. In such interactions between culture and nature, people bring social values by which they affect natural resources. Therefore, socio-spatial analyses include different aspects: ecological, ambient, economic, social, cultural, while responsibility for the different processes that transform space can be associated with different social actors. Among them, the local community has a special role. Contemporary planning practices based on communicative planning concepts, more than ever, emphasize the relevance of the bottom-up approach as well as the importance of including local community in every phase of planning and implementing spatial strategies. To this end, it should be stressed that there is a consensus on two values: ecological as well as social sustainability, which in turn, also shape criteria for acting. Ecological sustainability refers to protecting conditions for life and life as a whole. Social sustainability refers to implementing participation, achieving balanced community, social cohesion and a just, diverse, connected and democratic community. In this way, we should try to ensure ecologically sustainable and socially unambiguous development. The analysis of socio-spatial development in North-west Croatia includes five counties. In the first stage, spatial planning documents are analysed in order to answer the extent to which they include dimensions of social and ecological sustainability. At the next stage, results of the two surveys are discussed regarding locals' attitudes about community participation as well as environmental attitudes. The results show that the concept of ecological sustainability is incorporated within planning documentation, and well-accepted by residents. On the other hand, the sociological sustainability concept is not included in the official planning documentation. The ideas of partnering with local community, and participating, informing and strengthening local democracy are not implemented in the spatial planning documents. Surveys have shown that high levels of ecological sustainability are a positive basis for development. Regarding social sustainability practices, approximately 30% of respondents have experience in participation processes in the local community. These results suggest a need to harmonise normative acts with life practices in the field of participation. The idea of the local public as partner in the planning procedures should be affirmed also at the normative level throughout spatial planning documents, in an attempt to improve democratic procedures and ensure the institutional framework for civil society actions that are already present in the local community.