21st century is called the century of democracy. But if you take a look at the contemporary political discourse and recent situation, it is evident that the real situation is far from the described above. "The resurgence of ideological and political turbulence in the late 1960s, social conflicts rising in the early 1970s, and the spread of mass protest by new social movements and citizen initiatives in the 1980s were symptoms of a profound transformation of West European politics". This transformation united xenophobia and the populist ideology into one strong phenomenon that became very popular among the European societies. "Populist parties are generally thought of as lacking grand visions on comprehensive ideological projects. Instead, they are presumed to appeal to common sense of common people, seek to divine mood swings of an increasingly volatile electorate, and to shape their political programs accordingly." Because of high popularity, radical right wing populism becomes stronger. The main purpose of today's political and social elite is to stop or to prevent European societies from the possibility of becoming xenophobic nations full of fair and hatred. The way of preventing xenophobia and radical right wing populism is to create a unified and common European identity. "The future of radical right-wing populism ultimately depends on the degree on which it manages to incorporate the question of national identity into a coherent political program". Since this question was successfully unified in the Western democracies, it is possible that these parties and xenophobic radicalism can come to new EU member states: to Lithuania as well.
Veneti (Lat. Venedi, Venethi; Gr. Ουενέδαι) usually describes a tribe or confederation of tribes which are mentioned by many antique and modern historians and geographers. This article addresses those Veneti about whom the historian and political figure of the Roman Empire, Publius Cornelius Tacitus, wrote in his work Germania ('De origine 146 et situ Germanorum', 98 AD). The ethnic identity of this tribe has given birth to many hypotheses, one of which associates the Venethi of Tacitus with the Baltic tribes. The first part of the article brings together the most important facts on the distribu- tion of the name Veneti, beginning with the oldest data reaching back before the Christian era and concluding with the latest information from the 20th century. The second part presents onomastic material, which in one form or another reflects the root (stem) ven-/ven-t/ven-et-, and upon which hypotheses on the ethnic affiliation of the Veneti are usually based. The third part analyzes the most frequently discussed hypotheses, with attention paid to the distinction of ethnic-linguistic elements of Baltic ethnic origin from the Slavic ones. Based on the facts presented, two problems are elucidated and discussed. 1. The origin of the Veneti tribe itself and its ethnic affiliation: who were Tacitus' Venethi? 2. The etymology of the name Veneti.
Veneti (Lat. Venedi, Venethi; Gr. Ουενέδαι) usually describes a tribe or confederation of tribes which are mentioned by many antique and modern historians and geographers. This article addresses those Veneti about whom the historian and political figure of the Roman Empire, Publius Cornelius Tacitus, wrote in his work Germania ('De origine 146 et situ Germanorum', 98 AD). The ethnic identity of this tribe has given birth to many hypotheses, one of which associates the Venethi of Tacitus with the Baltic tribes. The first part of the article brings together the most important facts on the distribu- tion of the name Veneti, beginning with the oldest data reaching back before the Christian era and concluding with the latest information from the 20th century. The second part presents onomastic material, which in one form or another reflects the root (stem) ven-/ven-t/ven-et-, and upon which hypotheses on the ethnic affiliation of the Veneti are usually based. The third part analyzes the most frequently discussed hypotheses, with attention paid to the distinction of ethnic-linguistic elements of Baltic ethnic origin from the Slavic ones. Based on the facts presented, two problems are elucidated and discussed. 1. The origin of the Veneti tribe itself and its ethnic affiliation: who were Tacitus' Venethi? 2. The etymology of the name Veneti.
After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].
After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].
After the collapse of Soviet Union in Central Asia geopolitical vacuum formed where the major powers of the world, including neighbors of republics of Central Asia, tried there to increase their influence. Interests in gaining influence in Central Asia were determined not only by common interest spheres of realism, as increasing geopolitical power or power restriction of possible rivals, but also aspects of neorealism like energy security and economical influence, which are even more important. In that way, pipelines of energetic resources are not only in sphere of economical interest, but also is the way of gaining geopolitical power. Russia, as the dominant power in Eurasian continent, tries to regain its lost impact on Central Asia after collapse of Soviet Union. After 1991 it started to plan the ways of expansion its economical and political power to Central Asia through development of oil and gas transportation pipelines which pass its territory. After gaining independence, republics of Central Asia didn't have clear vision of their foreign policy, and their ties with Russia were still very strong and determined by common history and political culture, so Russia could do stronger impact on gaining beneficial pipelines routes, in that way eventually, strengthening its influence in world market of energy resources and also international politics. The President of Russian Federation Vladimir Putin greatly influenced Russian foreign politics based on energy resources and transportation routes, which helps Russia to regain influence in all other spheres. Western countries, and United States in the first place, acting on their own and through their partners, mainly Turkey, tied to gain greater influence in Central Asia through diversifying pipelines routes, and avoiding routes through Russian territory.[.].
The periodical press by partisans, which was published during the year of the second Soviet occupation, was one of the most reliable sources of information in Lithuania. This press first appeared and was published for the longest time in the Western Lithuania's Sea region, including the areas of Mažeikiai, Telšiai, Kretinga, Tauragė, Jurbarkas, Šiauliai, Joniškis, partially Kėdainiai, Panevėžys and Raseiniai. There were around 40 different underground periodicals, 4 of them were of a cultural nature from 1944 to 1959 in the Western Lithuania. The publishers of the underground press accepted a challenge not only to convey the facts to the readers about the guerrilla war and deportations but also to reveal the morale of the time-period and to infuse empathy of the readers. A narrative in journalism enables us to discover various attitudes, values and feelings but it also raises a question with respect to the difference between factual and fictional narrative. The most complicated part of exploring the partisan press was authorship of publications and fictional literature. In early newspapers, articles and proclamations were often unsigned, whereas in later publications they were signed with pseudonyms. There are not enough information about co-workers in the underground press who did not have military positions. In the partisan press of Western Lithuania, themes of a political nature, foreign and domestic news, disclosure of crimes of occupation regime generally dominated. Partisans especially sought to cultivate patriotism, foster culture and religious life. In cultural publications, harm of anti-moral Soviet art to a human being is emphasised and the idea is developed that the purpose of art is to reflect the spirit of the time-period. It is suggested that only through creative work by partisans Lithuanians' experience during the post-war period is disclosed and significance is attached to songs and poesy as means of fostering nationality. In the analysis of particular fictional and non-fictional texts about the guerrilla war, the basic elements of a war narrative in partisan press are exhibited. In fictional narratives by Aušrė, prt. Rimas and Linksmutė, the theme of betrayal is researched in different ways and various attitudes are revealed through the change of focus. In factual narratives, the events of the guerrilla war are recorded, diversity of attitudes is restricted and the narratives are created by using the first person.
The periodical press by partisans, which was published during the year of the second Soviet occupation, was one of the most reliable sources of information in Lithuania. This press first appeared and was published for the longest time in the Western Lithuania's Sea region, including the areas of Mažeikiai, Telšiai, Kretinga, Tauragė, Jurbarkas, Šiauliai, Joniškis, partially Kėdainiai, Panevėžys and Raseiniai. There were around 40 different underground periodicals, 4 of them were of a cultural nature from 1944 to 1959 in the Western Lithuania. The publishers of the underground press accepted a challenge not only to convey the facts to the readers about the guerrilla war and deportations but also to reveal the morale of the time-period and to infuse empathy of the readers. A narrative in journalism enables us to discover various attitudes, values and feelings but it also raises a question with respect to the difference between factual and fictional narrative. The most complicated part of exploring the partisan press was authorship of publications and fictional literature. In early newspapers, articles and proclamations were often unsigned, whereas in later publications they were signed with pseudonyms. There are not enough information about co-workers in the underground press who did not have military positions. In the partisan press of Western Lithuania, themes of a political nature, foreign and domestic news, disclosure of crimes of occupation regime generally dominated. Partisans especially sought to cultivate patriotism, foster culture and religious life. In cultural publications, harm of anti-moral Soviet art to a human being is emphasised and the idea is developed that the purpose of art is to reflect the spirit of the time-period. It is suggested that only through creative work by partisans Lithuanians' experience during the post-war period is disclosed and significance is attached to songs and poesy as means of fostering nationality. In the analysis of particular fictional and non-fictional texts about the guerrilla war, the basic elements of a war narrative in partisan press are exhibited. In fictional narratives by Aušrė, prt. Rimas and Linksmutė, the theme of betrayal is researched in different ways and various attitudes are revealed through the change of focus. In factual narratives, the events of the guerrilla war are recorded, diversity of attitudes is restricted and the narratives are created by using the first person.
The periodical press by partisans, which was published during the year of the second Soviet occupation, was one of the most reliable sources of information in Lithuania. This press first appeared and was published for the longest time in the Western Lithuania's Sea region, including the areas of Mažeikiai, Telšiai, Kretinga, Tauragė, Jurbarkas, Šiauliai, Joniškis, partially Kėdainiai, Panevėžys and Raseiniai. There were around 40 different underground periodicals, 4 of them were of a cultural nature from 1944 to 1959 in the Western Lithuania. The publishers of the underground press accepted a challenge not only to convey the facts to the readers about the guerrilla war and deportations but also to reveal the morale of the time-period and to infuse empathy of the readers. A narrative in journalism enables us to discover various attitudes, values and feelings but it also raises a question with respect to the difference between factual and fictional narrative. The most complicated part of exploring the partisan press was authorship of publications and fictional literature. In early newspapers, articles and proclamations were often unsigned, whereas in later publications they were signed with pseudonyms. There are not enough information about co-workers in the underground press who did not have military positions. In the partisan press of Western Lithuania, themes of a political nature, foreign and domestic news, disclosure of crimes of occupation regime generally dominated. Partisans especially sought to cultivate patriotism, foster culture and religious life. In cultural publications, harm of anti-moral Soviet art to a human being is emphasised and the idea is developed that the purpose of art is to reflect the spirit of the time-period. It is suggested that only through creative work by partisans Lithuanians' experience during the post-war period is disclosed and significance is attached to songs and poesy as means of fostering nationality. In the analysis of particular fictional and non-fictional texts about the guerrilla war, the basic elements of a war narrative in partisan press are exhibited. In fictional narratives by Aušrė, prt. Rimas and Linksmutė, the theme of betrayal is researched in different ways and various attitudes are revealed through the change of focus. In factual narratives, the events of the guerrilla war are recorded, diversity of attitudes is restricted and the narratives are created by using the first person.
The concept of contemporary identity guides to exclusiveness of culture's role and history as well. Queen Luisa is not only an attractive symbol while talking about fatal period for Europe and Prussia in the years 1806-1815, but also interesting is her personality while looking for parallels between identities of Memel (Klaipėda), the small province town of the German empire, and Klaipėda, the largest contemporary Western Lithuanian city. Present inhabitants of Klaipėda pay a lot of attention to Queen Luisa's merits for development of education and culture in the city and in the region. The fact that in newest discussions about Klaipeda's vision of cultural politics, the need to integrate cultural heritage into consciousness of citizens and formation of identity is highlighted, testifies about signs of new quality in region's identity structure of Western Lithuania. Research is based on historical sources and literature.
The concept of contemporary identity guides to exclusiveness of culture's role and history as well. Queen Luisa is not only an attractive symbol while talking about fatal period for Europe and Prussia in the years 1806-1815, but also interesting is her personality while looking for parallels between identities of Memel (Klaipėda), the small province town of the German empire, and Klaipėda, the largest contemporary Western Lithuanian city. Present inhabitants of Klaipėda pay a lot of attention to Queen Luisa's merits for development of education and culture in the city and in the region. The fact that in newest discussions about Klaipeda's vision of cultural politics, the need to integrate cultural heritage into consciousness of citizens and formation of identity is highlighted, testifies about signs of new quality in region's identity structure of Western Lithuania. Research is based on historical sources and literature.
Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.
Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.
Looking from a few hundred years of historical perspective, the Western Hemisphere is being dominated by United States of America. In the twenty-first century, however, one can say it is quite noticeable decline in the United States relative power. In addition, the September 11 events have relatively adjusted major U.S. foreign policy priorities and fostered to focus its attention on other regions of the world (particularly Middle East and Middle Asia). Along these lines, a kind of vacuum of influence that has left afterwards in the Latin America has been actively used by other states. One of the most assertive, Brazil, has lots of aspirations to fill and consolidate the regional leadership and thus become a leader of more united and integrated South America. As a rapidly emerging middle power, Brazil tries to counterbalance the U.S. influence in the region and calls for reforms of a particular international governance structures (for example, the UN Security Council). Nevertheless, the United States usually is prone to secure its own national interests by implementation of its own measures. The general subject of this work is the power dynamics of United States and Brazil and their foreign policy initiatives oriented towards keeping or increasing influence in Latin America. The aim of this thesis is to analyze Brazil as a challenge to the United States dominance in Western Hemisphere and to evaluate the U.S. response, in order to maintain their leadership. Seeking to achieve the aim of the study, the following tasks have been fulfilled during the working process. Namely with reference to the international relations theories and conceptions of power, balancing and emergent middle power discussed in the thesis, the place of the United States and Brazil in the international system has been identified. Additionally, the geopolitical context and processes of the historical U.S. leadership consolidation in Western Hemisphere has been analyzed. In the empirical part of this work, the growth of Brazil's power and the impact on regional and global level affairs have been discussed. Moreover, after the analysis of Brazil's soft balancing against the United States, it has been defined how U.S. responses to such actions and seeks to secure its own strategic interests in the Western Hemisphere. The work is carried out using descriptive, analytical and comparative methods as well as the analysis of documents and scientific literature. Brazil pursues foreign policy strategies that are common for the emergent middle powers – coalition–building and soft balancing against the dominant state, when there are a significant military and economic power asimmetry between the states. Thus, pursuit of global influence through bilateral or multilateral instruments, in order to limit or complicate U.S. freedom of action or diplomacy but also avoid direct confrontation to the United States, is quite a rational choice. Also, in order to increase autonomy in foreign policy making and to secure national interests, Brazil creates regional organizations and forums, which excludes the United States (such as the Union of South American Nations or South American Defense Council). During the terms of G.W. Bush administration (2001–2009), the area of Latin America, which U.S. seeks to control totally, was partially reduced. Thus, most of the economic, political or military initiatives and projects have been designed specifically towards the North and Central America, the Caribbean and Colombia. B. Obama (2009–2012) basically continued that foreign policy course in Latin America of former U.S. administration. In other words, the concentration on the specific territory and the militarization of the particular safety corridor remained (U.S.–Central America–Colombia). Moreover, the United States seeks to expand miscellaneous (military or economic) integration of that area. The influence in Latin America is preserved and expanded using initiatives such as Plan Colombia, Merida Initiative, also military bases in Colombia or naval fleet in the Carribean and South Pacific Ocena reactivation.
