Povzetek. Palestinsko-izraelski konflikt odpira številna mednarodnopravna vprašanja, ki so v prispevku analizirana z vidika pravice narodov do samoodločbe, prepovedi uporabe sile (jus ad bellum), mednarodnega prava oboroženih spopadov (jus in bello), pravil za ugotavljanje individualne odgovornosti in odgovornosti držav (jus post bellum) ter obveznosti mednarodne skupnosti pri odzivanju na grobe kršitve mednarodnega prava. Razumevanje teh pravil je nujno za ugotavljanje morebitne odgovornosti različnih akterjev, poleg tega pa razkriva dva vidika modernega mednarodnega prava. Na eni strani situacije uporabe sile nedržavnih akterjev tako z vidika jus ad bellum kot jus in bello terjajo poglobljeno analizo in odpirajo številna vprašanja, na katere »na državno suverenost« osredinjeno mednarodno pravo nima enoznačnih odgovorov. Po drugi strani pa se s pripoznanjem erga omnes (partes) narave nekaterih obveznosti iz področja prava človekovih pravic ter oboroženih spopadov, vse bolj utemeljuje prepričanje, da se vse države v mednarodni skupnosti lahko odzivajo na najhujše kršitve mednarodnega prava in uveljavljajo odgovornost zadevne države. Vendar pa prispevek zaključi, da selektivnost implementacije ob odsotnosti politične volje ostaja temeljna pomanjkljivost mednarodnega prava, za katero se zdi, da jo bo težko premostilo. Ključni pojmi: Palestina, nedržavni akterji, odgovornost, pravica narodov do samoodločbe, pravica do samoobrambe, mednarodno pravo oboroženih spopadov, erga omnes (partes).
V današnjem času se soočamo s številnimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katerimi se pojavljajo tudi naravne nesreče, (ne)nalezljive bolezni ter lakota in žeja. Vpliv na manifestacijo teh groženj je moč posredno ali neposredno pripisati tudi stanju v našem okolju. V Evropi Zahodni Balkan izstopa s slabšim stanjem okolja in z višjo stopnjo okoljske degradacije v primerjavi s preostalimi regijami na kontinentu. V tem magistrskem delu sem preučeval stanje okolja v državah Zahodnega Balkana ter njegovo povezavo z varnostno paradigmo. Pri tem sem uporabil kombinacijo različnih raziskovalnih metod: analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov, deskriptivna metoda, metoda primerjalne analize ter analiza statističnih podatkov. Prek analize sem ugotovil povezanost med stanjem okolja in varnostnimi grožnjami. Najvišjo stopnjo ogrožanja zaradi stanja okolja sta po indikatorjih imeli BiH in Črna gora, medtem ko sta najnižjo stopnjo ogrožanja zaradi stanja okolja imeli Severna Makedonija in Albanija. Pozitivni del okoljske varnostne paradigme Zahodnega Balkana, v primerjavi s preteklostjo, so zvišanje kakovosti vodnih virov ; gradnja sanitarne, vodne in okolju prijazne energetske infrastrukture, ter izboljšanje pravnih in regulativnih okvirjev za zaščito in varovanje okolja. Kljub napredku se Zahodni Balkan še vedno sooča z nekaterimi okoljskimi izzivi, kot so slabo stanje ozračja, slabo upravljanje z odpadki, ter slaba implementacija okoljskih strategij in pravnih aktov. Države Zahodnega Balkana bodo tako v prihodnosti morale še veliko postoriti za izboljšanje stanja svojega okolja, s čimer bi se znižala ogroženost ljudi, ki na tem prostoru živijo. ; We are currently facing numerous security threats, including natural disasters, diseases, hunger, and thirst. Some of the influence for the manifestation of these threats can be ascribed, either directly or indirectly, to the condition of our environment. In Europe, the region of the Western Balkans stands out as being in one of the worst environmental conditions and having some of the worst levels of environmental degradation, when compared to other regions. In this Master's thesis I studied the condition of the environment in the states of the Western Balkans and its connection with the security paradigm. I utilised the following research methods: primary and secondary source analysis, descriptive method, comparative analysis, and statistical analysis. Through this analysis I established the connection between the condition of the environment and security threats. According to the indicators, the two states with the highest security risk due to environmental conditions were Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro, while the two states which had the lowest risk were North Macedonia and Albania. The positive parts of the environmental security paradigm of the Western Balkans, when compared to the past, are the increase in the quality of water sources, the construction of sanitation and water treatment infrastructure, the construction of environmentally friendly energy infrastructure, and the improvement of legal and regulatory frameworks for the protection of the environment. Despite this progress, the Western Balkans are still facing problems such as poor air quality, inadequate waste management, and poor implementation of environmental strategies and legal acts. The states of the Western Balkans, therefore, still have a long way to go in order to improve the condition of their environment, which would also lower the security threat to the people who live in the region.
Applying the standard Central-European phytosociological method we studied the floristic composition of pioneer stands of hazel (Corylus avellana) and European ash (Fraxinus excelsior) on abandoned meadows and pastures in the Breginjski kot region in the westernmost part of Slovenia (southwestern foothills of the Julian Alps). It was determined that most of the researched stands had developed on potential natural sites of the submontane beech forests from the alliance Aremonio-Fagion (Ht. 1938) Borhidi in Török, Podani & Borhidi 1989. They can be treated as a progressive successional stage Corylus avellana-Fraxinus excelsior or as a secondary forest community which we classified into the, for now only provisionally described, new association Ornithogalo pyrenaici-Fraxinetum excelsioris nom. prov. ; Po standardni srednjeevropski fitocenološki metodi smo preučili floristično sestavo pionirskih sestojev leske in velikega jesena na opuščenih senožetih in pašnikih v Breginjskem kotu v skrajno zahodnem delu Slovenije (jugozahodno prigorje Julijskih Alp). Ugotovili smo, da so se ti sestoji večinoma razvili na potencialno naravnih rastiščih submontanskih bukovih gozdov iz zveze Aremonio-Fagion (Ht. 1938) Borhidi in Török, Podani & Borhidi 1989. Obravnavamo jih lahko kot progresivni sukcesijski stadij Corylus avellana-Fraxinus excelsior ali kot drugotno gozdno združbo, ki jo uvrščamo v za zdaj le provizorno opisano novo asociacijo Ornithogalo pyrenaici-Fraxinetum excelsioris nom. prov.
Magistrsko delo predstavlja tematiko večnivojskega upravljanja in sodelovanja na primeru Slovenije in migrantske krize na Zahodni balkanski poti. Namen dela je ugotoviti, ali je bilo večnivojsko upravljanje na primeru kriznega menedžmenta uspešno ter kaj je pripeljalo do njegove uspešnosti oziroma neuspešnosti. Delo temelji na kvalitativni metodologiji študije primera. V prvem delu s deskriptivno metodo opredeli splošno razvitost večnivojskega upravljanja, v drugem delu pa z analizo virov preuči področje skozi primer največje migrantske krize. Na primeru Slovenije kot preučevanega nacionalnega nivoja s komparativno metodo prikaže pomanjkljivosti sodelovanja z nivoji. Na pomanjkljivostih, ki se skozi raziskovanje prikažejo, delo poda predloge za izboljšanje in reševanje podobnih problematik v prihodnosti. Magistrsko delo prikaže, da večnivojsko upravljanje na omenjenem primeru ni bilo uspešno, saj je bila smer sprejemanja odločitev večinoma usmerjena od zgoraj navzdol, kar je otežilo vključevanje podnacionalnega nivoja v odločevalski proces. Slaba praksa obvladovanja migrantske krize je imela posledice na širši ravni, saj je na eni strani določene postopke reševanja krize otežila in podaljšala, na drugi pa nečela dvom o skupnosti in njenih temeljnih vrednotah. Uporabnost dela se kaže tako na praktični kot na znanstveni ravni. Pri praktični ravni se ta kaže kot pomoč vključenim akterjem na različnih nivojih pri reševanju kriz velikega obsega, pri znanstveni ravni pa pri izbiri tematike ter pri izbiri aktualnega primera. Tematika kot taka je v slovenski znanosti še dokaj neomenjena in neraziskana, podobno velja za področje migrantske krize, ki se s svojo veličino ne bo umirila še nekaj časa. ; This master's thesis presents the topic of multilevel governance and cooperation on the example of Slovenia and the migrant crisis on the Western Balkans route. The purpose of the work is to determine whether the multilevel governance of the crisis management was successful and what led to its success or failure. The research is based on qualitative case study methodology. In the first part, the descriptive method defines the general development of multilevel governance, while in the second part, the analysis examines the field on the basis of the biggest migrant crisis since World War II. Comparative method shows deficiencies on the national level in cooperation with other levels on the example of Slovenia. On the shortcomings that appear during the research, the master's thesis presents suggestions for improving and resolving similar problems in the future. The research shows that the multilevel governance in this case was not successful, since the direction of decision-making was mainly directed from the top down and the subnational level was thus poorly involved in decision-making along with the national level. Bad practice has had a negative impact on the entire crisis, resulting on one hand certain procedures being more difficult and lengthier than they should be and on the other, started the doubt of the union as a whole and its basic values. This research is useful on a practical and on a scientific level. On a practical level it is seen as a helpful tool for crisis management to all the actors involved and on the scientific level the usefulness is seen through the choice of topic as well as through the choice of the current case from practice on the basis of which the study was conducted. The subject as such is still fairly unspecified and unexplored on scientific grounds in Slovenia, similarly to the area of the migrant crisis that, due to its extent, will not settle for quite some time.
Nasprotno prevladujoči obravnavi Turčije kot najstarejše kandidatke za članstvo v Evropski uniji (EU) in turški zunanjepolitični strategiji do Zahodnega Balkana, ki predvideva delovanje kot partnerica EU, to delo analizira Turčijo kot neodvisnega zunanjepolitičnega akterja. Na podlagi dveh raziskovalnih vprašanj o normativnih elementih turške zunanjepolitične strategije preverjam hipotezo, da zaradi t. i. plitke evropeizacije na Zahodnem Balkanu po letu 2009 prihaja do večanja turškega normativnega vpliva v tej regiji. Kot kontrolno spremenljivko obravnavam deklaratorni odmik EU od širitve na Zahodni Balkan leta 2014. V teoretskem delu naloge konceptualiziram normativni zunanjepolitični vpliv in izdelam lasten analitični model normativnih elementov zunanjepolitične strategije. Po opisu zgodovinskega konteksta zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU in Turčije na Zahodnem Balkanu v empiričnem delu sledi največji doprinos naloge k znanosti: analiza in interpretacija primarnega dokumenta – zunanjepolitične strategije Turčije (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), za katero sem zagotovil prvi prevod v angleščino. Nato še identificiram in analiziram zunanjepolitične akcije Turčije, pri katerih merim normativni vpliv na družbe, trge in države regije in ga kritično ovrednotim. Ugotavljam, da ni mogoče sklepati na večji normativni vpliv Turčije v regiji zaradi plitke evropeizacije. Normativni vpliv Turčije na države je bil namreč največji med leti 2009–2012, ko je z mediacijo v srbskem delu Sandžaka in vzpostavitvijo tripartitne platforme dosegla željen ugled velike sile iz otomanskih časov. Vendar pa po letu 2013 ta vpliv upade, saj nekatere države regije izražajo večja nasprotovanja turškim zunanjepolitičnim vrednotam ali uporabljenim sredstvom. Normativni vpliv na trge in na družbe regije je sicer konstanten ; prek agencije TIKA, inštituta Yunus Emre, verske institucije Diyanet in TV nadaljevank Turčija promovira svoje družbene vrednote: muslimanska vera, diaspora, patriarhalnost in ugled velike sile. ; Contrary to the dominant consideration of Turkey as the oldest candidate for membership in the European Union (EU) and Turkey's foreign policy strategy towards the Western Balkans, which envisions acting as the EU's partner, this work analyzes Turkey as an independent foreign-policy actor. On the basis of two research questions on the normative elements of the Turkish foreign policy strategy, I am testing a hypothesis that after 2009, due to the shallow Europeanization in the Western Balkans, one observes an increase of the Turkish normative influence in this region. As a control variable, I consider the declaratory withdrawal of the EU from Western Balkans enlargement efforts in 2014. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I conceptualize the normative foreign policy influence and construct my own analytical model of the normative elements of the foreign policy strategy. Following the description of the historical context of the EU and Turkey's foreing policy in the Western Balkans, the empirical part is followed by the biggest contribution of this thesis to science: analysis and interpretation of the primary document - Turkey's foreign policy strategy (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), for which I provided the first translation into English. I then identify and analyze Turkey's foreign policy actions, where I measure the normative influence on societies, markets and countries of the region, and offer its critical evaluation. Findings show that it is not possible to ascertain that shallow Europeanization causes greater normative influence of Turkey in the region. Turkey's normative influence on the countries was the largest between 2009-2012, when, through mediation in the Serbian part of Sandžak and the establishment of a tripartite platform, when the state achieved the desired reputation of a great power from Ottoman times. However, after 2013, this impact declined, as some countries in the region are more likely to oppose Turkey's foreign policy values or application of instruments. The normative impact on the markets and on the societies of the region is constant ; through TIKA Agency, Yunus Emre Institute, religious institution Diyanet and TV series Turkey promotes its social values: Muslim faith, diaspora, patriarchate and reputation of great power.
Die Umbrüche des 20. Jahrhunderts hinterlassen tiefe Spuren in und zwischen den Ländern des Alpen-Adria-Raumes. Alte und neue Nationalismen führen vielerorts zu Auseinandersetzungen in Volksgruppenfragen – zwischen Kärnten und Slowenien zuletzt sichtbar in jahrzehntelangen Konflikten um zweisprachige Ortstafeln und andere Minderheitenrechte.Das Buch beleuchtet Einstellungen von Jugendlichen beider Länder zu Geschichte(n) der Region, Zwei- und Mehrsprachigkeit, Nationalismus und kultureller Vielfalt, neuen und alten Minderheiten, Nachbarländern und Europa. Aufbauend auf den Ergebnissen eines grenzübergreifenden Forschungsprojektes widmen sich Beiträge der Geschichte Kärntens und Sloweniens, ihren Narrativen und deren Folgen für Lebenswirklichkeiten. Berücksichtigung erfährt die Bedeutung von Minderheiten- und Nachbarsprachen in Grenzräumen und daraus erwachsende Implikationen für "moderne" Konzeptionen von Minderheitenschutz.Mit Beiträgen von:Danijel Grafenauer, Joseph Marko, Ludmila Novak Lukanovic, Rainer Pichler, Jürgen Pirker, Stefanie Vavti, Daniel Wutti
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Zunanji akterji igrajo poglavitno vlogo pri upravljanju in reševanju konfliktov, saj s svojimi kapacitetami lahko prispevajo k reševanju vzroka konflikta in k delnemu spreminjanju ter izpolnjevanju ciljev sprtih strani. Med najbolj trdovratne konflikte uvrščamo verske in druge identitetne konflikte, saj identiteta vpliva na prepričanje posameznika in skupine o svoji vlogi oz. položaju v konfliktu. Prednost pri zaznavanju in reševanju tovrstnih konfliktov pa imajo zaradi svojega poznavanja območja in akterjev predvsem regionalne organizacije, med njimi tudi države članice Sveta za sodelovanje v zalivu (Gulf Cooperation Council – GCC), ki so dejavne pri upravljanju in reševanju izraelsko-palestinskega konflikta. Magistrska naloga preučuje vpliv verskega dejavnika na vlogo arabskih zalivskih držav pri reševanju konflikta od ustanovitve Izraela leta 1948 do katarske diplomatske krize leta 2017 ter posledice razmaha šiitsko-sunitskega razkola na njihovo vlogo. Kot kažejo ugotovitve, so arabske zalivske države v obdobju od leta 1948 do leta 2011 vztrajno poskušale rešiti konflikt v prid palestinskega prebivalstva, z razmahom šiitsko-sunitskega razkola med arabsko pomladjo pa je iranska grožnja zasenčila reševanje izraelsko-palestinskega konflikta. Zunanji akterji, predvsem regionalne organizacije, so torej občutljive na mednarodno in regionalno dogajanje ter morebitne spremembe dinamike konflikta. Slednje posledično vpliva na vlogo zunanjih akterjev pri reševanju konfliktov, ki se v luči sprememb strukturnega okolja iz pozitivne lahko prelevi v negativno. ; External actors play a key role in conflict management and resolution, as they can contribute to resolving the cause of the conflict and partially changing or meeting the goals of the conflicting parties. Among the most persistent conflicts are religious and other identity conflicts, since identity influences the belief of an individual and a group about their role in the conflict. Due to their knowledge of the region and actors, the advantage in detecting and resolving such conflicts lies particularly with regional organizations, including the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states, which are actively engaged in the management and resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The master's thesis examines the influence of the religious factor on the role of the Arab Gulf states in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the founding of Israel in 1948 up until the Qatar diplomatic crisis in 2017, and the consequences of the intensification of the Shiite-Sunni divide on their role. In the period between 1948 and 201 the Arab Gulf states persistently sought to resolve the conflict in favor of the Palestinian population ; however, with the intensification of the Shiite-Sunni divide during the Arab Spring, the Iranian threat overshadowed the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. External actors, especially regional organizations, are therefore sensitive to international and regional developments, as well as possible changes in the dynamics of the conflict. The latter consequently influences the role of external actors in managing and resolving conflicts, which can change from positive to negative, in the light of changes to the structural environment.
Konflikti so del našega vsakdana, so nujni in neizogibni. V literaturi najdemo različne definicije samega konflikta. Iršič (2010) konflikt pojmuje kot stanje nasprotujočih si teženj v nekem sistemu, tako v posamezniku, kot med osebami znotraj določene skupnosti oziroma prostora, ali med skupinami, ki so del večje skupnosti ali delujejo na področju, kjer se križajo interesi. Kljub negativnemu prizvoku pa ima konflikt tudi številne pozitivne učinke. Medtem, ko so posledice nerazrešenih konfliktov večinoma negativne. Poznamo več vrst konfliktov. Medosebni oziroma interpersonalni konflikti so sestavni del vsake šole in se pojavljajo med vsemi udeleženci v šoli. Ljudje se na konflikte različno odzivamo, prav tako jih na različne načine razrešujemo. V novejši literaturi najdemo tri postopke reševanja konfliktov. Cohen (2012) govori o pogajanju, mediaciji in arbitraži. V sami diplomski nalogi nas je podrobneje zanimala mediacija oziroma vrstniška mediacija, ki je v zborniku Kazen v šoli (2010) opisana kot proces, v katerem sta udeležena vsaj dva učenca/dijaka, med katerima je prišlo do nesoglasja, konflikta, spora. Oba morata biti pripravljena nastalo situacijo razrešiti na miren, strpen, produktiven način, ki lahko pripelje do konkretne, prostovoljne in dogovorno dosežene rešitve. Pri tem jima pomaga tretji, nevtralni vrstnik, ki z različnimi tehnikami, veščinami in znanji učencema/dijakoma v konfliktu pomaga pri razlagi različnih pogledov, izražanju želja in potreb, da bi poiskala najboljšo med možnimi rešitvami. Nevtralni osebi, ki sodeluje v procesu mediacije rečemo mediator. Čeprav vrstniška mediacija temelji na tem, da vrstniki sami razrešujejo medsebojne konflikte, sta še vedno potrebna podpora in nadzor odrasle osebe, v tem primeru koordinatorja. Zanimalo nas je, kako vrstniška mediacija deluje v praksi na izbranih osnovnih šolah ter kako učinkovita je kot strategija reševanja konfliktov med učenci. S pomočjo analize intervjujev smo predstavili pozitivne učinke vrstniške mediacije ter njeno uporabnost in učinkovitost na izbranih osnovnih šolah skozi oči vrstniških mediatorjev. ; Conflicts are a part of our daily routine, necessary and inevitable. Literature states different definitions of conflict. Iršič (2010) regards conflict as a state of contradictory views in a system, in an individual, as well as among people inside a certain community or space, or among groups, which are part of a larger society or work on different fields with cross interests. Despite the hint of negativity, conflict has several beneficial effects. However, the consequences of unsolved conflicts remain negative. Several forms of conflicts are known – mutual or interpersonal conflicts are a basic part of every school and emerge among all attendees. People react differently to conflicts, as well as their solutions. In recent literature three possibilities of conflict solution are mentioned. Cohen (2012) talks about negotiation, mediation and arbitrage. The main focus of our thesis is mediation or peer mediation, described in miscellany Punishment in school (2010) as a process in which at least two pupils, having a conflict, dispute or difference, participate. Both have agreed on solving the situation on a calm, tolerant and productive way, which can lead to a concrete, voluntary and consensus solution. A third, neutral peer, with different techniques, skills and knowledge, helps the pupils in dispute by interpreting different perspectives and expressing wishes or needs, in order to find the best possible solution. A neutral person, involved in the process of mediation is called a mediator. Although peer mediation is based on teenagers solving mutual conflicts on their own, a support of an adult is still needed – in this case a coordinator. Our interest was how peer mediation works in practice on chosen primary schools and how effective it is as a strategy of teenage conflict solving. With interview analysis the positive effects of peer mediation and its applicability and efficacy were presented on chosen primary schools through the perspective of a peer mediator.
V Ukrajini so se leta 2014 po seriji različnih notranjih političnih kriz na vzhodu države, v regiji Donbas, pojavila separatistična gibanja, katerih pripadniki so za regiji Doneck in Lugansk zahtevali odcepitev od države. Začetnim protestom je sledil konflikt, ki ga že od vsega začetka zaznamuje prepletanje delovanja različnih vpletenih strani: upornikov na eni in ukrajinske oblasti na drugi strani, kot tudi mednarodne skupnosti. Na eni strani sta Evropska unija in NATO, ki si zadnji dve desetletji na različne načine prizadevajo za integracijo vzhodnoevropskih držav. Na drugi strani je Ruska federacija, ki je še vedno izrazito povezana z republikami nekdanje Sovjetske zveze in nanje tudi močno vpliva. Širjenje vplivov iz EU in ZDA oziroma zahoda na splošno v teh državah domnevno ogroža ruske interese in interese proruske struje v Ukrajini. Magistrsko delo prikazuje zgodovinski razvoj Ukrajine in zapletene družbene, gospodarske in politične razmere, prisotne v državi, ki pripomorejo k razumevanju razvoja in poteka konflikta. Temu sledita analiza medijskega poročanja in vloge medijev v razvoju konflikta in političnogeografska analiza konflikta ter njegov vpliv na širše dogajanje in odnose v Evropi in svetu ; After a series of various internal political crises in eastern Ukraine in 2014, separatist movements appeared in the Donbas region, demanding secession of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. The initial protests were followed by a conflict marked throughout by the intertwining actions of the various parties involved: the rebels, the Ukrainian authorities as well as the international community. On the one hand, there is the European Union and NATO, striving for the integration of Eastern European countries over the last two decades. On the other hand, there is the Russian Federation, still strongly connected with the republics of the former Soviet Union and exerting a strong influence on them. Supposedly, the growing influences of the EU, the US and the West in general in these countries pose a threat to the Russian interests and the interests of the pro-Russian movement in Ukraine. This master's thesis presents the historical development of Ukraine and its complex social, economic and political conditions, shedding light on the development and course of the conflict in the country. It then provides an analysis of the role of the media in the development of the conflict, as well as a political geographic analysis of the conflict and its impact on the events and relations on European and global level.
Konflikti so posledica ali rezultat različnosti interesov, ciljev, mnenj posameznikov in skupin, pa tudi oviranja za njihovo doseganje. Pomembno je, da njihov izvor in vrste dobro poznamo, saj nam to lahko bistveno pripomore pri ravnanju z njimi in njihovem reševanju. Mobing je nadlegovanje, trpinčenje, ustrahovanje, psihično nasilje na delovnem mestu. O mobingu govorimo, kadar se neprimerno ravnanje na delovnem mestu večkrat in dlje časa ponavlja ter ogroža zdravje in varnost zaposlenih. Vzrokov za nastanek mobinga je veliko, med njimi tudi konflikt. Mobing lahko nastane kot posledica konflikta na delovnem mestu oziroma kot stopnjevan konflikt. Magistrsko delo zadeva področje konfliktov in mobinga na delovnem mestu ter njuno medsebojno povezavo. Razdeljeno je na dva dela, teoretični in empirični del. Prvi del teoretičnega dela je namenjen področju konfliktov. Na začetku poglavja o konfliktih je pojasnjeno, kaj pravzaprav je konflikt, temu sledi predstavitev vzrokov za nastanek konflikta in posamezne vrste konfliktov. Predstavljene so tudi posledice konflikta, njegov proces nastanka, načini ravnanja s konflikti in njihovo razreševanje. Drugi del teoretičnega dela je namenjen področju mobinga. V uvodu tega poglavja je opredeljen pojem mobing, nato so, predstavljeni vzroki za nastanek mobinga, njegove posledice ter vrste in oblike. Predstavljen je tudi proces nastanka mobinga in možni načini za njegovo preprečevanje. V zadnjem delu teoretičnega dela je predstavljena raziskava Kliničnega inštituta za medicino dela, prometa in športa ter zakonodaja, ki ureja področje mobinga v Sloveniji in Evropski uniji. V empiričnem delu magistrskega dela je predstavljena raziskava, ki je bila opravljena med zaposlenimi v poslovni skupini X. Z raziskavo smo ugotavljali prisotnost, vzroke, posledice konfliktov in mobinga v poslovni skupini X ter njihovo preprečevanje in reševanje. V tem delu magistrskega dela je predstavljena tudi analiza raziskave in preverjanje hipotez. ; Conflicts appear as a consequence or as a result of different interests, goals, opinions between individuals and groups and may also appear when achieving them. It is very important that we know its source and type, because that may essentially help us with dealing and solving it. Mobbing is harassment, torture, intimidation, psychic violence at the workplace. We can talk about mobbing when inappropriate behaviour at the workplace repeats for several times and for longer period of time and threats the health and the safety of employees. Causes for mobbing to emerge are many, among them is also conflict. Mobbing can occur as a consequence of a conflict at the workplace or as an increased conflict. Master's degree concerns an area of conflicts and mobbing at the workplace and their mutual connection. It is divided in to two parts: theoretical and empirical part. The firs section of theoretical part it is meant for the area of conflicts. At the beginning of the chapter about conflicts there is an explanation what a conflict actually is, followed by the presentation of the causes for conflicts to emerge and different types of them. There are also presented the consequences of the conflict, its process of arising and ways to deal and resolve it. The second section of the theoretical part is meant for the area of mobbing. There is a definition of mobbing as the introduction to this chapter, followed by the causes for mobbing to arise, their consequences and different types of it, the same as chapter about conflicts. The process of rising mobbing and possible ways for its prevention is also presented. In the last section of theoretical part is presented the research of Clinical Institution for medicine, traffic and sports and legislation that arranges the area of mobbing in Slovenia and in European Union. In the empirical part of the master's degree is presented the research that was made among the employees in business group X. We were determining presence, causes, conflicts and mobbing consequences in the business group X and how to prevent and solve them. In this part of the master's degree is also presented the analysis of the research and verification of hypotheses.
Magistrsko delo se ukvarja s pojmom geopolitika in obveščevalno dejavnostjo na tem področju. Geopolitika je pojem, ki ga danes zelo pogosto slišimo, predvsem v povezavi z velikimi silami. V zgodovini je verjetno najbolj znan geostrateški cilj nacistične Nemčije, imenovan »Drang nach Osten« (pohod na vzhod), s katerim bi si arijska rasa zagotovila življenjski prostor na območju vzhodne Evrope. Pri geopolitiki gre torej za uresničevanje interesov, ki jih imajo velike sile v določenem trenutku v drugih delih kontinenta oziroma sveta (predvsem zaradi surovin ali prometnih povezav), da bi si tako zagotovile boljše izhodišče od drugih velesil. Velikokrat se ti interesi skrivajo pod drugimi imeni. Tako je danes moderno govoriti o širjenju demokracije, humanitarnih operacijah itd., čeprav so v ozadju drugi interesi, in sicer interesi, s katerimi velesile uresničujejo svojo zunanjo politiko. Geopolitični interesi se uresničujejo predvsem z ekonomskimi pritiski, ki predvsem v primeru, da so le-ti neuspešni, pogostokrat preidejo v vojaško posredovanje. Najpomembnejšo vlogo pri uresničevanju interesov pa imajo obveščevalne službe. Te poskušajo s svojimi taktikami in metodami dela prodreti v posamezno državo in poskrbeti za vzpostavitev »gnezd«, ki delujejo v skladu z začrtano politiko matične države proti državi gostiteljici in tako pridobivajo kvalitetne informacije, ki so potrebne vodstvu države, da se le-to odloči za ustrezno strategijo delovanja. V tem magistrskem delu bomo torej poskušali predstaviti trenutno geopolitično situacijo v svetu, pomembnejše geostrateške lokacije, ugotoviti in predstaviti, kakšna je vloga obveščevalnih služb pri vsem tem, ter na primerih predstaviti delovanje obveščevalnih služb na področju geopolitike. ; The master's thesis deals with the concept of intelligence service in the field of geopolitics. Geopolitics is a term which is frequently used in connection with big countries. Historically, the most known case of geostrategic goal is Nazi Germany which was called »Drang nach Osten« (German for »yearning for the East«) and the idea was to acquire territory for Aryan race at the expense of eastern European nations (Lebensraum). Geopolitics basically means realizing of interests by big countries in a certain moment in other parts of the continent or world (mostly because of raw materials or traffic connections) in order to ensure better starting-points for themselves than for other big countries. Often these interests hide under another name. Nowadays people like to talk about spreading democracy, humanitarian operations, etc., although there are other interests in the background, interests that serve to exercise foreign policies of big countries. Geopolitical interests are especially realized through economic pressure which (if they are unsuccessful) often increase in military operations. When exercising these interests, the intelligence services have the most important role. They try to enter a country with their tactics and methods, they provide »nests« that work in accordance with the policy of the home country against the host country and thus they acquire quality information that is necessary to political elites of a country in order for them to decide for an appropriate operating strategy. In the master's thesis we will try to present current global geopolitical situation, more important geostrategic locations, determine and present the role of intelligence services in all that, and present with examples how the intelligence services work in the field of geopolitics.
Spremembe v mednarodni skupnosti po koncu hladne vojne so mednarodne institucije, ki delujejo na področju zagotavljanja miru in varnosti, postavile pred nove izzive, ki so izpostavili pomanjkljivost obstoječh norm, mehanizmov in konceptualnega aparata za naslavljanje novih varnostnih groženj. Mednarodne institucije se težko spopadajo z modernimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katere spadajo tudi etnični konflikti, hkrati pa je proces prepoznavanja varnostnih groženj kompleksen. Magistrska naloga skozi študijo primera delovanja Varnostnega sveta in Organizacije za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi v ukrajinskem konfliktu preučuje, kako pojmovanje varnosti mednarodnih institucij vpliva na upravljanje (etničnih) konfliktov. Naloga pokaže, da sodobno pojmovanje varnosti presega dojemanje države kot edinega relevatnega referenčnega objekta varnosti in da je varnost intersubjektivna kategorija, ki odpira vprašanje glede procesa prepoznavanja (novih) varnostnih groženj. Posledično pojmovanje varnosti vpliva na diskurz in delovanje akterjev. Na primeru Varnostnega sveta tako vidimo, da se države članice zavedajo pomena vzpostavljene prakse delovanja, ki izhaja iz pojmovanja varnosti dotične institucije, ter njenega vpliva na odločanje v Varnostnem svetu. OVSE pa kljub prepoznavanju kršitev določenih prvin varnosti v praksi te kršitve težko naslavlja. Naloga pokaže tudi, kako specializirano znanje posameznih institucij vpliva na diskurz držav v teh institucijah ter da pojmovanje varnosti v posameznih institucijah ni statično, temveč rezultat nenehnih (re)interpretacij. ; Changes in the international community after the end of the Cold War have led international institutions working in the field of peace and security to face new challenges that have highlighted the disadvantage of existing norms, mechanisms and conceptual apparatus for addressing new security threats. International institutions are struggling to deal with modern security threats, including ethnic conflicts, while the process of identifying security threats is complex. The master's thesis examines how the concept of security of international institutions influences the management of (ethnic) conflicts through a study of the functioning of the Security Council and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in the Ukrainian conflict. Thesis demonstrates that modern concept surpasses the perception of the state as the only relevant referent object of security and that security is an intersubjective category that raises the issue of the process of identifying (new) security threats. As a consequence the concept of security affects the discourse and the functioning of the actors. In the case of the Security Council, we can see that Member States are aware of the importance of the established practice, which stems from the concept of security of the institution, and its impact on decision-making in the Security Council. Despite the recognition of violations of certain elements of security in practice, the OSCE has difficulty addressing this violation. The thesis also shows how the specialized knowledge of individual institutions influences the discourse of states in these institutions, and that the concept of security in individual institutions is not static, but the result of continuous (re)interpretations.
Makroregionalne strategije Evropske unije (EU), kot orodje kohezijske politike, predstavljajo celosten okvir, katerega namen je reševanje skupnih izzivov, ki se pojavljajo na določenem geografskem območju. Državam članicam EU, kot tudi tretjim državam, je tako omogočeno skupno spopadanje s težavami in večji izkoristek skupnih potencialov. Naloga temelji na predpostavki, da sodelovanje držav Zahodnega Balkana (ZB) znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pripomore k njihovemu lažjemu vključevanju v EU. Namen naloge je proučiti usklajenost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike EU ter prispevati k razumevanju zunanje dimenzije kohezijske politike. V teoretičnem delu naloge opredelim ključne koncepte s področja zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU. V empiričnem delu najprej preverim koherentnost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike z vidika ciljev in sredstev teh politik. Nato s primerjalno analizo koherentnost teh dveh politik merim z vidika napredka držav ZB pri pristopnih poglavjih glede na posamezna vsebinska področja makroregionalnih strategij. Usklajenost ciljev in sredstev makroregionalnih strategij in širitvene politike, možnost koriščenja znanja, pridobljenega na podlagi sodelovanja znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pri pristopnem procesu držav ZB ter ne nazadnje viden napredek pri pristopnem procesu pokaže, da makroregionalne strategije krepijo pristopni proces držav k EU. ; The European Union's (EU) macro-regional strategies, as the cohesion policy tool, represent an integrated framework aimed at addressing the common challenges that arise in a given geographical area. This allows EU Member States, as well as third countries, to tackle problems together and make greater use of their common potential. The thesis is based on the assumption that the participation of the countries of the Western Balkans (WB) within macro-regional strategies helps to facilitate their integration into the EU. The aim is to examine the coherence between EU macro-regional strategies and the EU enlargement process and to contribute to the understanding of the external dimension of the cohesion policy. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I define key concepts in the field of EU foreign policy action. In the empirical part, I first check the coherence of the EU macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy in terms of goals and means of these policies. Then with a comparative analysis I measure the coherence of these two policies in terms of progress of WB countries in accession chapters according to individual content areas of macro-regional strategies. The coherence of the goals and means of macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy, the possibility of using the knowledge gained through cooperation within macro-regional strategies in the accession process of WB countries and last but not least visible progress in the accession progress show that macro-regional strategies are strengthening EU accession process.