Povzetek. Palestinsko-izraelski konflikt odpira številna mednarodnopravna vprašanja, ki so v prispevku analizirana z vidika pravice narodov do samoodločbe, prepovedi uporabe sile (jus ad bellum), mednarodnega prava oboroženih spopadov (jus in bello), pravil za ugotavljanje individualne odgovornosti in odgovornosti držav (jus post bellum) ter obveznosti mednarodne skupnosti pri odzivanju na grobe kršitve mednarodnega prava. Razumevanje teh pravil je nujno za ugotavljanje morebitne odgovornosti različnih akterjev, poleg tega pa razkriva dva vidika modernega mednarodnega prava. Na eni strani situacije uporabe sile nedržavnih akterjev tako z vidika jus ad bellum kot jus in bello terjajo poglobljeno analizo in odpirajo številna vprašanja, na katere »na državno suverenost« osredinjeno mednarodno pravo nima enoznačnih odgovorov. Po drugi strani pa se s pripoznanjem erga omnes (partes) narave nekaterih obveznosti iz področja prava človekovih pravic ter oboroženih spopadov, vse bolj utemeljuje prepričanje, da se vse države v mednarodni skupnosti lahko odzivajo na najhujše kršitve mednarodnega prava in uveljavljajo odgovornost zadevne države. Vendar pa prispevek zaključi, da selektivnost implementacije ob odsotnosti politične volje ostaja temeljna pomanjkljivost mednarodnega prava, za katero se zdi, da jo bo težko premostilo. Ključni pojmi: Palestina, nedržavni akterji, odgovornost, pravica narodov do samoodločbe, pravica do samoobrambe, mednarodno pravo oboroženih spopadov, erga omnes (partes).
The ethical distress of the (post)modern world stimulates and directs us to reflect our ethical and cultural grounds. Man is a transcendent being. He cannot reach or put in order immediate goods he needs if he is not prepared to acknowledge the grounds of his person and develop the virtues of prudence, love, hope, faith, wisdom, justice, courage, temperance etc. These are ethical questions concerning different worldviews and cannot be solved only by scientific methods. Many people who in the past did not care for religion as such, now take seriously religious personal and societal aspects of humane life. The fundamental crucial questions of man are ethical questions. They are in various ways related or perplexed with the question of faith and of science.
V današnjem času se soočamo s številnimi varnostnimi grožnjami, med katerimi se pojavljajo tudi naravne nesreče, (ne)nalezljive bolezni ter lakota in žeja. Vpliv na manifestacijo teh groženj je moč posredno ali neposredno pripisati tudi stanju v našem okolju. V Evropi Zahodni Balkan izstopa s slabšim stanjem okolja in z višjo stopnjo okoljske degradacije v primerjavi s preostalimi regijami na kontinentu. V tem magistrskem delu sem preučeval stanje okolja v državah Zahodnega Balkana ter njegovo povezavo z varnostno paradigmo. Pri tem sem uporabil kombinacijo različnih raziskovalnih metod: analiza primarnih in sekundarnih virov, deskriptivna metoda, metoda primerjalne analize ter analiza statističnih podatkov. Prek analize sem ugotovil povezanost med stanjem okolja in varnostnimi grožnjami. Najvišjo stopnjo ogrožanja zaradi stanja okolja sta po indikatorjih imeli BiH in Črna gora, medtem ko sta najnižjo stopnjo ogrožanja zaradi stanja okolja imeli Severna Makedonija in Albanija. Pozitivni del okoljske varnostne paradigme Zahodnega Balkana, v primerjavi s preteklostjo, so zvišanje kakovosti vodnih virov ; gradnja sanitarne, vodne in okolju prijazne energetske infrastrukture, ter izboljšanje pravnih in regulativnih okvirjev za zaščito in varovanje okolja. Kljub napredku se Zahodni Balkan še vedno sooča z nekaterimi okoljskimi izzivi, kot so slabo stanje ozračja, slabo upravljanje z odpadki, ter slaba implementacija okoljskih strategij in pravnih aktov. Države Zahodnega Balkana bodo tako v prihodnosti morale še veliko postoriti za izboljšanje stanja svojega okolja, s čimer bi se znižala ogroženost ljudi, ki na tem prostoru živijo. ; We are currently facing numerous security threats, including natural disasters, diseases, hunger, and thirst. Some of the influence for the manifestation of these threats can be ascribed, either directly or indirectly, to the condition of our environment. In Europe, the region of the Western Balkans stands out as being in one of the worst environmental conditions and having some of the worst levels of environmental degradation, when compared to other regions. In this Master's thesis I studied the condition of the environment in the states of the Western Balkans and its connection with the security paradigm. I utilised the following research methods: primary and secondary source analysis, descriptive method, comparative analysis, and statistical analysis. Through this analysis I established the connection between the condition of the environment and security threats. According to the indicators, the two states with the highest security risk due to environmental conditions were Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro, while the two states which had the lowest risk were North Macedonia and Albania. The positive parts of the environmental security paradigm of the Western Balkans, when compared to the past, are the increase in the quality of water sources, the construction of sanitation and water treatment infrastructure, the construction of environmentally friendly energy infrastructure, and the improvement of legal and regulatory frameworks for the protection of the environment. Despite this progress, the Western Balkans are still facing problems such as poor air quality, inadequate waste management, and poor implementation of environmental strategies and legal acts. The states of the Western Balkans, therefore, still have a long way to go in order to improve the condition of their environment, which would also lower the security threat to the people who live in the region.
Applying the standard Central-European phytosociological method we studied the floristic composition of pioneer stands of hazel (Corylus avellana) and European ash (Fraxinus excelsior) on abandoned meadows and pastures in the Breginjski kot region in the westernmost part of Slovenia (southwestern foothills of the Julian Alps). It was determined that most of the researched stands had developed on potential natural sites of the submontane beech forests from the alliance Aremonio-Fagion (Ht. 1938) Borhidi in Török, Podani & Borhidi 1989. They can be treated as a progressive successional stage Corylus avellana-Fraxinus excelsior or as a secondary forest community which we classified into the, for now only provisionally described, new association Ornithogalo pyrenaici-Fraxinetum excelsioris nom. prov. ; Po standardni srednjeevropski fitocenološki metodi smo preučili floristično sestavo pionirskih sestojev leske in velikega jesena na opuščenih senožetih in pašnikih v Breginjskem kotu v skrajno zahodnem delu Slovenije (jugozahodno prigorje Julijskih Alp). Ugotovili smo, da so se ti sestoji večinoma razvili na potencialno naravnih rastiščih submontanskih bukovih gozdov iz zveze Aremonio-Fagion (Ht. 1938) Borhidi in Török, Podani & Borhidi 1989. Obravnavamo jih lahko kot progresivni sukcesijski stadij Corylus avellana-Fraxinus excelsior ali kot drugotno gozdno združbo, ki jo uvrščamo v za zdaj le provizorno opisano novo asociacijo Ornithogalo pyrenaici-Fraxinetum excelsioris nom. prov.
Magistrsko delo predstavlja tematiko večnivojskega upravljanja in sodelovanja na primeru Slovenije in migrantske krize na Zahodni balkanski poti. Namen dela je ugotoviti, ali je bilo večnivojsko upravljanje na primeru kriznega menedžmenta uspešno ter kaj je pripeljalo do njegove uspešnosti oziroma neuspešnosti. Delo temelji na kvalitativni metodologiji študije primera. V prvem delu s deskriptivno metodo opredeli splošno razvitost večnivojskega upravljanja, v drugem delu pa z analizo virov preuči področje skozi primer največje migrantske krize. Na primeru Slovenije kot preučevanega nacionalnega nivoja s komparativno metodo prikaže pomanjkljivosti sodelovanja z nivoji. Na pomanjkljivostih, ki se skozi raziskovanje prikažejo, delo poda predloge za izboljšanje in reševanje podobnih problematik v prihodnosti. Magistrsko delo prikaže, da večnivojsko upravljanje na omenjenem primeru ni bilo uspešno, saj je bila smer sprejemanja odločitev večinoma usmerjena od zgoraj navzdol, kar je otežilo vključevanje podnacionalnega nivoja v odločevalski proces. Slaba praksa obvladovanja migrantske krize je imela posledice na širši ravni, saj je na eni strani določene postopke reševanja krize otežila in podaljšala, na drugi pa nečela dvom o skupnosti in njenih temeljnih vrednotah. Uporabnost dela se kaže tako na praktični kot na znanstveni ravni. Pri praktični ravni se ta kaže kot pomoč vključenim akterjem na različnih nivojih pri reševanju kriz velikega obsega, pri znanstveni ravni pa pri izbiri tematike ter pri izbiri aktualnega primera. Tematika kot taka je v slovenski znanosti še dokaj neomenjena in neraziskana, podobno velja za področje migrantske krize, ki se s svojo veličino ne bo umirila še nekaj časa. ; This master's thesis presents the topic of multilevel governance and cooperation on the example of Slovenia and the migrant crisis on the Western Balkans route. The purpose of the work is to determine whether the multilevel governance of the crisis management was successful and what led to its success or failure. The research is based on qualitative case study methodology. In the first part, the descriptive method defines the general development of multilevel governance, while in the second part, the analysis examines the field on the basis of the biggest migrant crisis since World War II. Comparative method shows deficiencies on the national level in cooperation with other levels on the example of Slovenia. On the shortcomings that appear during the research, the master's thesis presents suggestions for improving and resolving similar problems in the future. The research shows that the multilevel governance in this case was not successful, since the direction of decision-making was mainly directed from the top down and the subnational level was thus poorly involved in decision-making along with the national level. Bad practice has had a negative impact on the entire crisis, resulting on one hand certain procedures being more difficult and lengthier than they should be and on the other, started the doubt of the union as a whole and its basic values. This research is useful on a practical and on a scientific level. On a practical level it is seen as a helpful tool for crisis management to all the actors involved and on the scientific level the usefulness is seen through the choice of topic as well as through the choice of the current case from practice on the basis of which the study was conducted. The subject as such is still fairly unspecified and unexplored on scientific grounds in Slovenia, similarly to the area of the migrant crisis that, due to its extent, will not settle for quite some time.
Nasprotno prevladujoči obravnavi Turčije kot najstarejše kandidatke za članstvo v Evropski uniji (EU) in turški zunanjepolitični strategiji do Zahodnega Balkana, ki predvideva delovanje kot partnerica EU, to delo analizira Turčijo kot neodvisnega zunanjepolitičnega akterja. Na podlagi dveh raziskovalnih vprašanj o normativnih elementih turške zunanjepolitične strategije preverjam hipotezo, da zaradi t. i. plitke evropeizacije na Zahodnem Balkanu po letu 2009 prihaja do večanja turškega normativnega vpliva v tej regiji. Kot kontrolno spremenljivko obravnavam deklaratorni odmik EU od širitve na Zahodni Balkan leta 2014. V teoretskem delu naloge konceptualiziram normativni zunanjepolitični vpliv in izdelam lasten analitični model normativnih elementov zunanjepolitične strategije. Po opisu zgodovinskega konteksta zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU in Turčije na Zahodnem Balkanu v empiričnem delu sledi največji doprinos naloge k znanosti: analiza in interpretacija primarnega dokumenta – zunanjepolitične strategije Turčije (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), za katero sem zagotovil prvi prevod v angleščino. Nato še identificiram in analiziram zunanjepolitične akcije Turčije, pri katerih merim normativni vpliv na družbe, trge in države regije in ga kritično ovrednotim. Ugotavljam, da ni mogoče sklepati na večji normativni vpliv Turčije v regiji zaradi plitke evropeizacije. Normativni vpliv Turčije na države je bil namreč največji med leti 2009–2012, ko je z mediacijo v srbskem delu Sandžaka in vzpostavitvijo tripartitne platforme dosegla željen ugled velike sile iz otomanskih časov. Vendar pa po letu 2013 ta vpliv upade, saj nekatere države regije izražajo večja nasprotovanja turškim zunanjepolitičnim vrednotam ali uporabljenim sredstvom. Normativni vpliv na trge in na družbe regije je sicer konstanten ; prek agencije TIKA, inštituta Yunus Emre, verske institucije Diyanet in TV nadaljevank Turčija promovira svoje družbene vrednote: muslimanska vera, diaspora, patriarhalnost in ugled velike sile. ; Contrary to the dominant consideration of Turkey as the oldest candidate for membership in the European Union (EU) and Turkey's foreign policy strategy towards the Western Balkans, which envisions acting as the EU's partner, this work analyzes Turkey as an independent foreign-policy actor. On the basis of two research questions on the normative elements of the Turkish foreign policy strategy, I am testing a hypothesis that after 2009, due to the shallow Europeanization in the Western Balkans, one observes an increase of the Turkish normative influence in this region. As a control variable, I consider the declaratory withdrawal of the EU from Western Balkans enlargement efforts in 2014. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I conceptualize the normative foreign policy influence and construct my own analytical model of the normative elements of the foreign policy strategy. Following the description of the historical context of the EU and Turkey's foreing policy in the Western Balkans, the empirical part is followed by the biggest contribution of this thesis to science: analysis and interpretation of the primary document - Turkey's foreign policy strategy (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), for which I provided the first translation into English. I then identify and analyze Turkey's foreign policy actions, where I measure the normative influence on societies, markets and countries of the region, and offer its critical evaluation. Findings show that it is not possible to ascertain that shallow Europeanization causes greater normative influence of Turkey in the region. Turkey's normative influence on the countries was the largest between 2009-2012, when, through mediation in the Serbian part of Sandžak and the establishment of a tripartite platform, when the state achieved the desired reputation of a great power from Ottoman times. However, after 2013, this impact declined, as some countries in the region are more likely to oppose Turkey's foreign policy values or application of instruments. The normative impact on the markets and on the societies of the region is constant ; through TIKA Agency, Yunus Emre Institute, religious institution Diyanet and TV series Turkey promotes its social values: Muslim faith, diaspora, patriarchate and reputation of great power.
