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In the last couple of years, the concept of knowledge co-production has become more prominent. However, the meaning of the term and its relationship with the evidence-based policy (EBP) remains ambiguous. The main objectives of the review were to describe how the co-production of knowledge has been defined, the roles that individual actors can play in the process and the relationship between knowledge co-production and the evidence-based policy approach. The author asserted that the knowledge co-production was treated by the researchers both as a participatory research method and as an institutional solution for better policy implementation.

The aim of the paper is to present the model of Polish civil society development in sport, which is based on three phases: the first one consists in creating rules by international organizations; in the second one public authorities introduce legal regulations based on previously developed organizational standards; in turn, the third phase relies on checking to what extent these rules and regulations have been internalized by their addresses. The indicator for measuring the level of development of civil society in sport was the knowledge of the legal concept of doping among members of Polish national teams.

International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of cooperation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system. ; International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of cooperation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system.

Stosunki międzynarodowe są postacią działania ludzi, dlatego powinny stać się obiektem zainteresowania prakseologii jako nauki nastawionej na sprawność działania. Dotychczasowe rozumienie sprawności musi być jednak odmienne od tradycyjnego. Zgodnie z propozycją zawartą w artykule, ludzkie działanie dzieli się na trzy działy – współpracę, walkę oraz rywalizację , którym odpowiadają trzy rodzaje teorii. Charakterystyczne jest to, że współpraca jest grą o sumie dodatniej, walka – grą o sumie ujemnej, natomiast rywalizacja – grą o sumie zerowej. Teoria stosunków międzynarodowych powinna skupiać się na teorii rywalizacji, rozpostartej pomiędzy współpracą a walką. Oznacza to, że teoria stosunków międzynarodowych powinna opierać się na zasadach współpracy i zasadach walki, a teoria polityki międzynarodowej państwa powinna być teorią sterowania w systemie gry o sumie zerowej. ; International relations are a form of human action so they should become the object of praxiology as a science oriented to efficiency. The traditional approach however must be changed. As it suggested in this article, human action is divided into three sections – cooperation, struggling and rivalry, which correspond to three types of theories. It should be added that cooperation is a positive-sum game, struggling – a negative-sum game and rivalry – a zero-sum game. The theory of international relations should be focused on the link between principles of co- operation and principles of struggling. This means that theory of foreign policy should be a theory of control in the zero-sum game system.

The opposition between the participationist approach, which favours wide participation of the people in democratic political process, and the deliberationist model, according to which political power should be exercised by people endowed with adequate cognitive competences, remains an important theme of the present debates in the theory of democracy. The author believes that those interpretations of the deliberationist model which perceive knowledge as a primary source of legitimation of participation in the political power, are guilty of a "cognitivist fallacy", and points out to dangers stemming from ascribing a prominent role to cognitive competences. In opposition to the "epistocratic" model, he stressed the importance of political skill in the governance of democratic systems. Taking as a starting point the belief that the normative ideal of democracy is based upon an egalitarian assumption of potentially universal ability to develop the political skill, he claims that this potentiality can be actualized through the very participation in political activity. ; Opozycja między podejściem partycypacjonistycznym, zakładającym szerokie uczestnictwo obywateli w demokratycznym procesie politycznym, a modelem deliberacjonistycznym, według którego władzę polityczną winny sprawować osoby obdarzone odpowiednimi kompetencjami poznawczymi, pozostaje ważkim tematem współczesnych debat w teorii demokracji. Autor twierdzi, że interpretacje modelu deliberacjonistycznego, uznające wiedzę za wiodące źródło prawomocnego uczestnictwa w sprawowaniu władzy politycznej, są obciążone "błędem kognitywistycznym" oraz wskazuje na niebezpieczeństwa wynikające z przypisania istotnej roli politycznej kompetencjom poznawczym.W opozycji do modelu "epistokratycznego" kładzie nacisk na wagę umiejętności politycznej w zarządzaniu systemami demokratycznymi. Biorąc za punkt wyjścia normatywny ideał demokracji, oparty na egalitarnym założeniu o potencjalnie powszechnej zdolności do kształtowania umiejętności politycznej, twierdzi, że ta potencjalność może się aktualizować przez samym udział w aktywności politycznej.

The aim of this paper is to present the Frankfurt School's critique of mass culture. The authors particularly seek to demonstrate that critical theory provides a specific interpretation of Marxist philosophy, reinterprets some of its central economic and political notions such as production, distribution, fetishization, consumption and also attempts to illuminate the place and the role of culture industry within global culture. As a conclusion it is argued that the Frankfurt School's approach, while it is still useful to social science programs, tends to be overlooked by social theorists.

The article presents an overview of selected connections of the COVID-19 pandemic with risk theories. The study first explores the basic concepts of preparing and mobilizing networks of public policy actors to act together under conditions of uncertainty. The following section discusses the pandemic risk preparedness and fighting. Then, selected possible social, economic and political effects of the COVID-19 pandemic are discussed. In summary, recommendations regarding the public management in the further stages of the pandemic development and in the post-pandemic period were indicated, as well as proposals for further research directions.

The article presents the reflection on current propositions regarding new ideas of the European integrity in the social and political literature of the last years. Having assumed that the present economic crisis concerning especially the common currency – euro, therefore the crisis touching the European Union member states directly, has provoked the serious identity problem of the European Union itself, many authors are looking for other visions and there is a whole range of them: from the Union breaking-up ("Good-bye Europe"), through the social contract (as with Rousseau), and the neo-empire (revival of the medieval empire), the post-national democracy (without national states, without Westphalian states) to close federation. As they do not have the character of realistic projects ready to be applied, one cannot omit them, because they are building the excellent doctrinal background to the European integration. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

Sphere of values and related to them determinants of policy making constitute current issues in the social sciences. The author presents good practices in terms of partnerships among actors in the process of creation, implementation and evaluation of public policy, emphasizing their axiological foundations. This is primarily applicable in the knowledge sector which is an area particularly sensitive on the institutional ground because of great aspirations of the creators engaged. The article explains the concept of the knowledge sector using a group of related terms such as knowledge society, information society, knowledge-based economy, knowledge management and formulates a number of recommendations for development of this sector. The author presents the institutional structure of the knowledge sector in functional terms with emphasis on the demand of their greater integration in the pro-development activities. Subsequently, there is a presentation of constitutional norms, based on which the social dialogue and partnership are suggested as fundamental principles in the knowledge sector. The author examines the mission of the state emphasizing the importance of its role as a guarantor of these values and rules. Finally, the article presents the instruments of public policy towards the knowledge sector focusing on the importance of the principles and best practices in cooperation between public policy makers and their social partners – the creators of knowledge.

Scientific literature presents the labour market policy in Poland in an abstract way: through the prism of statistics, expenditure, regulations and organisational structures. However, we know very little about everyday work of public employment services (Powiatowe Urzędy Pracy, PUP), i.e. institutions created in response to a major societal problem of the unemployment. Referring to the research results, inspired by the street-level bureaucracy perspective, this paper explains why it is important to analyse routine, mundane activities of frontline staff of PUP. It also reconstructs which elements of academic narratives on the labour market policy in Poland move us away from the understanding of typical aspects of this administrative world.