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International audience The issue of the African intellectual has a current relevance, because of the status of the intellectual in the modern African states. Does the African intellectual only represent the continuation of the western cultural and intellectual imperialism in Africa or is he/she the person who can lead his community to a real freedom? How is it possible to define and to characterize the African intellectual today? How is it possible to envision educational systems in Africa, able to produce intellectuals to serve Africa in a globalized world? The article examines these questions from a historical perspective and underlines the distinction between being a graduate and being an intellectual. It suggests a reconsideration of the role of the school and education in Africa. Education in Africa needs to be related to the African context and the challenges faced by African peoples, rather than to replicate western paradigms, in order to train educated Africans for the sake of 21st century's Africa.

At the beginning of this surfing of the intellectual nexus between feminist analyses and post-colonial studies in the English language, we would point out that female researchers did not wait until this new field was created to examine the conditions of women in the countries of the 'North' and 'South'. Under, these female researchers were among populations weakened by racism and/or colonialism and, more recently, by the neocolonialism of the 'post-colonial' era. Others. ; Au début de ce survol de l'imbrication intellectuelle entre analyses féministes et études postcoloniales en langue anglaise, signalons que des chercheuses féministes n'ont pas attendu la constitution de ce nouveau champ pour examiner les conditions faites aux femmes dans les pays du « Nord » et du « Sud ». Souvent, ces chercheuses faisaient partie de populations minorées par le racisme et/ou par le colonialisme et, plus récemment, par le néocolonialisme de l'époque « postcoloniale ». D'autres.

International audience This article examines the importance of the cosmic paradigm in the formulation of Mughal imperium at two interrelated levels: the world the monarchs of the dynasty strove to conquer was, on the one hand, the macrocosm over which their authority was meant to prevail and, on the other hand, the empire thought of as a world in miniature bringing together every species of Creation. ; Cet article examine l'importance du paradigme cosmique dans la formulation de l'imperium moghol à un double niveau : le monde que les monarques de la dynastie s'attachèrent à conquérir était tout à la fois le macrocosme sur lequel leur autorité avait vocation à s'exercer, et l'empire construit comme un monde en miniature rassemblant en son sein toute la diversité de la Création.

inspired by the recent prospects of Western Empire historians, this article looks again at relations between central and military-administrative authorities in the Moghol Empire of the first quarter of the seventeenth century — a period relatively neglected by dominant historiography. To this end, the floor is given to a series of texts relating to the type of sub-imperial literature and rarely called up for that purpose. The analysis of this corpus — focusing on legitimate rhetoric and "interstitial" political practices embody it — helps to shed light on how nobility reacts (both ideologically and pragmatically) to the increasing pressure of the imperial model and to reassess the central/peripheral issue in its regional dimension. ; International audience Taking into account the renewal of general propositions in the historiography of Western empires, this article re-examines the relations between central authority and militaro-administrative elites in the Mughal Empire of the first quarter of the 17th century--a rather neglected period in conventional historiography. In order to do so, voice is given to a series of texts belonging to the genre of sub-imperial literature, and rarely used in this context. Focusing on the rhetorics of legitimacy and the "interstitial" political practices at work in these sources, the analysis sheds light on the strategies (both ideological and pragmatic) implemented by the nobility in response to the growing pressure of the imperial model. It also allows the historian to think anew about the question of centre and periphery in its regional dimension. ; inspired by the recent prospects of Western Empire historians, this article looks again at relations between central and military-administrative authorities in the Moghol Empire of the first quarter of the seventeenth century — a period relatively neglected by dominant historiography. To this end, the floor is given to a series of texts relating to the type of sub-imperial literature and rarely called up for that purpose. The ...

In 1802, a third English translation of Volney's Ruines; ou, méditation sur les révolutions des empires, a work already popular among English-speaking radicals and freethinkers, appeared in Paris. The anonymous translators of the work were none other than Thomas Jefferson and Joel Barlow. Barlow's name surfaced in 1819 whereas Jefferson's did not until the early twentieth century. The fact that Jefferson secretly contributed to the third translation of LesRuines as well as to its circulation in the United States is an aspect of his career which, while it has not been ignored, has not been given adequate attention. The essay fleshes out knowledge of Volney and Jefferson's friendship, traces out the story of the translation, and explores the reasons for the success of Ruins in the young United States, shedding light on the networking which allowed radical Enlightenment ideas to infuse American culture. ; En 1802 parut à Paris une troisième traduction des Ruines; ou, méditation sur les révolutions des empires de Volney, oeuvre déjà bien connue des radicaux et des libres penseurs anglophones. Les traducteurs anonymes n'étaient autres que Thomas Jefferson et Joel Barlow. Si le nom de Barlow finit par faire surface en 1819, celui de Jefferson ne fut associé à la traduction qu'au début du xxe siècle. Le fait que Jefferson ait secrètement collaboré, non seulement à cette traduction, mais aussi à la diffusion des Ruines est un aspect de sa carrière, qui, sans être inconnu, a été largement sous-estimé. L'article raconte l'histoire de la traduction, décrit l'amitié qui unissait Volney et Jefferson et analyse les raisons du succès de Ruins dans des États-Unis qui en étaient encore à leurs jeunes années. Il met en relief la façon dont certains réseaux ont pu favoriser la mise en circulation des Lumières radicales dans la culture américaine.

This article explores the African dimension of the global repair movement and pays particular attention to the commitment of Chief M.K. O. Abiola (1937-1998). A rich Nigerian businessman, Abiola defended the idea that slavery and colonialism reparation should be granted to Africa and its diasporas. His conferences in the United States between 1987 and 1990 set out a causal relationship between Atlantic slavery and the continent's social and economic situation, and called for solidarity between Africa-Americans and Africans. Most importantly, Chief Abiola funded and organised the first global repair conference in Lagos in 1990, after which repair committees were established in several countries, including the UK and Jamaica. With the support of General President I.B. Babangida of Nigeria, Abiola chaired the Group of Eminent Persons (PSG) set up by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1992; he supported the first Pan-African Repairs Conference in Abuja in 1993. Involving both African states and pan-African movement actors such as Dudley Thompson (Jamaica), Bernie Grant (Guyana, UK) or Abdulrahman Babu (Zanzibar, Tanzania), Abiola's engagement helped to institutionalise the cause of repairs and put it on the international diplomatic agenda. In June 1993 he won the presidential elections in Nigeria, but these were cancelled and, following the coup d'état that brought General Sani Abacha to power, Abiola was imprisoned. Africa's promise, made in this political commitment on the side of the diasporas to get repairs, is broken. From archives and printed matter, this article sheds light on the political and ideological issues of the cause of reparations in the changing context of the early 1990s. Abiola, who died in detention in 1998, is remembered as a 'martyr of democracy', but there is also one of the unknown African figures of pan-Africanism at the end of the twenty-fifth century. ; International audience ; This article explores the African dimension of the global repair movement and pays particular attention ...

National audience, postcolonial thinking is a critical epistemology — which can be described as radical — which stems from the civilising mission of colonialism, its matrix and its legacy. Contrary to what the prefix of the post-colonial term suggests, that reflection cannot in any way be reduced to the analysis of chronologically subsequent situations at the colonial time. The subject of post-colonial criticism is the great rationalist, linear and secular narrative of the Enlightenment philosophy, behind which there is a unilateral and linear vision of a historical fate that would be identical and valid for each nation. Despite its universal claim, the Enlightenment philosophy does not seem to be able to transcend its place of expression: it is much more akin to a tendency to perceive the world through the European, or Western, glorlet than to a philosophy itself. ; O pensamento pós-colonial é uma epistemologia crítica – que podemos qualificar como radical – que provém da missão civilizadora do colonialismo, de sua matriz e de seu legado. Ao contrário daquilo que o prefixo do termo pós-colonial faz supor, esta reflexão não pode ser reduzida apenas à análise de situações cronologicamente posteriores ao momento colonial. O objeto da crítica pós-colonial é a grande narrativa racionalista, linear e secular enunciada pela filosofia iluminista, por trás da qual se encontra uma visão unilateral e linear de um devir histórico que seria idêntico e válido para todas as nações. Apesar de sua pretensão universalista, a filosofia iluminista não consegue – ao que parece – transcender seu lugar de palavra: ela assemelha-se mais a uma tendência de como perceber o mundo através do ponto de vista europeu, ou ocidental, do que a uma filosofia propriamente dita. ; National audience, postcolonial thinking is a critical epistemology — which can be described as radical — which stems from the civilising mission of colonialism, its matrix and its legacy. Contrary to what the prefix of the post-colonial term suggests, that reflection ...

In this article we will analyse the main approaches to which the Putin doctrine refers. Russia presents itself to the international community as responsible for the sustainability of Russian civilisation and as leader of an opposition movement to Western civilisational imperialism. The EU is trying to diversify its international relations by developing new partnerships, in particular with China. However, the Russian military intervention alongside Bashar el Assad in Syria and the Ukrainian crisis largely undermine these efforts to build new alliances. While the new partnership with China is not called into question, its positioning as a pole of resistance to Western civilisational imperialism is at risk. The regained strength and opposition to the West's hegemonic claims are factors which largely explain President Putin's exceptional popularity. However, the Russian economy remains fragile and its modernisation is necessary to reduce its dependence on energy exports. However, this modernisation is expected to be difficult due to its new isolation from European dynamics. V. Putin will it be able to maintain its level of popularity despite a difficult economic situation? ; International audience In this article we will analyze the main approaches to which the Putin doctrine belongs. Russia presents itself to the international community as responsible for the protection and development of Russian civilization and as leader of a movement opposed to Western civilizational imperialism. Russia is trying to diversify its international relations by developing new partnerships, particularly with China. However, Russian military intervention alongside Bashar al-Assad in Syria and the Ukrainian crisis have largely undermined these efforts to build new alliances. If the new partnership with China is not challenged, on the other hand, its positioning as a pole of resistance to Western civilizational imperialism is compromised. The regained power and the opposition to the hegemonic policies of the West are factors that largely ...

Globalisation has often been seen not only as a unificating process, but also as a unifying process. In the face of 'cultural exceptions', many societies believe that they need to be defended against uncontrolled imports which could 'distort' their identity. The fear of 'American cultural imperialism' with huge means, and rooting the most diverse audiences (presumably thanks to the huge diversity of this society of immigrants spread over a continental state), is particularly strong. While the position adopted (liberal, protectionist or ecectic) is taken for granted, the fundamental trend towards 'de-nationalisation' of cultures and the central role of the United States in the process are generally taken for granted. It was therefore not wrong to consider testing the reality of this process, for three eastern Asian metropoles (Seoul, Singapore and Taipeh) which share both rapid economic and social development in the 1990s and a proven politico-military alignment on the West, and more specifically in Washington, under the aegis of strong anti-communist regimes, at least until the end of the 1980s. The period chosen corresponds to a period which historians loyal to Fernand Braudel would describe as 'average', i.e. around fifty years, from 1953 to 1956 (depending on the countries concerned) until 2003/2004. These time limits cover all what is known in Japan as close to 'high growth', which has been slowing down permanently since the 1997 regional crisis, while excluding atypical years after 1945, marked in all three cases by extremely violent political turmoil. In the mid-1950s we were still in full reconstruction, with a standard of living (and equipment in the case of devastated Korea) much lower than the pre-war standard, especially as population growth was extremely rapid. Singapore remained a British colony until 1963, and Taiwan like South Korea are ways of American protectorates, with military presence, hundreds of advisers of all kinds and massive economic aid. ; International audience ; Globalisation has ...

The history of appointment and representation of differences between peoples is referred to. The other's figures in animal, barbaric, wild and primitive animals are found in the historical contexts of political dominance in which they were implemented — Greenisation and romanisation, conquest of the Americas and colonial empires of the United States. The logic behind the systems of representation — christianisation, blend condemning, breeds theory, hantisis of meshes — has been analysed. Finally, the question arises as to how this hidden history weighs on the current portrayal of stigmatised populations. ; On revient sur l'histoire de la nomination et de la représentation des différences entre les peuples. Les figures de l'autre en animal, barbare, sauvage, primitif, sont resituées dans les contextes historiques de domination politique où elles furent mises en œuvre - hellénisation et romanisation, conquête des Amériques, empires coloniaux des Etats-Nations. Les logiques structurant les systèmes de représentation - christianisation, condamnation du mélange, théorie des races, hantise des métissages - sont analysées. On s'interroge enfin sur la manière dont cette histoire occultée pèse sur les représentations actuelles de populations stigmatisées.