Suchergebnisse

Substantial progress was achieved in the bicommunal negotiations that were ongoing for almost two years and led to the decision to continue the talks in Switzerland. The aim was to create conditions conducive to a final bargaining agreement between the Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots and the three guarantor states of the Republic of Cyprus: Greece, Turkey, and the United Kingdom. Although recent talks in Switzerland failed to deliver a breakthrough, negotiations continue, and hope survives. With the exception of negotiations on security and guarantees -a chapter whose negotiation inevitably also involves Cyprus' three guarantor states- convergence on negotiations in all other chapters, namely territory, property, governance and power sharing, as well as economic and EU matters, have resulted in agreement or have brought the positions of the parties within the radius of an agreement. (Autorenreferat)

Why do some authoritarian governments respond beneficently to political protest while others opt for repression? This article argues that beneficent government responses in the form of concessions or institutional inclusion are fostered by three interrelated mechanisms working at three distinct levels: institutionalization of political protest within the polity, external certification of protest demands by legally legitimized authorities, and interest polarization between protesting groups and the government. Empirical comparison of government responses to youth protests before and during the 2011 uprisings in Morocco and Egypt proves that the divergent strategies in the two countries were not the result of spontaneous decision-making in times of heightened regime contention. Rather, they mirror established patterns of protest politics that are relatively resistant to ad-hoc manipulations. By extending the focus beyond a particular episode of contention, this study offers important insights into government-challenger relations in authoritarian regimes.

Nordkorea hat im Juli und November 2017 ballistische Interkontinentalraketen getestet und im September 2017 den bereits sechsten Nukleartest durchgeführt, wobei die Sprengkraft der Bombe auf 100 bis 250 Kilotonnen TNT Äquivalent geschätzt wurde. Angesichts dieser Entwicklungen und der damit einhergehenden Spannungen stellt sich weiterhin die Frage nach möglichen Formeln, um den Konflikt zu entschärfen oder gar zu lösen. Die US-Administration hält zumindest vorerst an der Forderung nach Denuklearisierung Nordkoreas fest. Stellt aber Denuklearisierung ein wahrscheinliches Szenario dar? Diese Arbeit geht dieser Frage nach und zeigt, weshalb zumindest kurz- bis mittelfristig mit keiner Denuklearisierung zu rechnen ist. Aus heutiger Perspektive, so die Argumentationslinie dieses Papiers, scheint das wahrscheinlichere Szenario darin zu bestehen, dass beide Seiten an ihren zunächst unvereinbaren maximalistischen Zielsetzungen (also Denuklearisierung vs. Nuklearwaffenbesitz) festhalten und auf nukleare Abschreckung setzen.

Where and how have precolonial institutions of conflict resolution remained intact? Although it is often argued that "traditional" institutions can play a key role in managing communal conflicts, little is known about the conditions of their "survival." This article argues that historical, political, and cultural topographies are essential to understanding patterns of the persistence and demise of precolonial institutions. Traditional modes of conflict resolution remain strong where they have been internalized over centuries: in the cultural and political centers of precolonial states. I use original geocoded survey data and historical spatial information on precolonial Burundi to analyze this hypothesis. The estimations yield robust correlations between the geographic patterns of the precolonial kingdom and current modes of resource-related conflict resolution.