The Asia Foundation works with Korea to promote international development cooperation in the Asia- Pacific, peace on the Korean Peninsula, and strong Korea-U.S. relations. Since 1954, The Asia Foundation has supported Korea's dramatic development from an aid recipient to a donor nation whose advanced economy and robust democracy are considered models for others. With 18 Asian offices, the Foundation is uniquely positioned to work alongside Korea as it expands its development assistance programs, and the Foundation's Korea office is a hub for regional cooperation in Northeast Asia. The Foundation partners with Korean NGOs and the Korean government to build capacity and expand their official development assistance through joint development projects, training, and knowledge exchanges.
In the past 30 years, discourses on queerness and the central political issues of LGBT life that originate in the United States-- like same-sex marriage-- have been exported and used to identify the presence of queer community in other parts of the world. QUEER KOREA brings together historical, ethnographic, and literary essays that establish a queer historiography of Korea. Editor Todd Henry asserts that Western forms of queerness, and the reading practices used to identify queerness in the American academy, are insufficient to describe the range of queer life on the Korean peninsula. He argues that particular developments in Korean modernity-- including its histories of colonialism, nationalism, and authoritarianism from the turn of the century to the Cold War-- have informed the language and politics of queerness in Korea and the Korean diaspora.
I. Talented human resources II. Substantial domestic economy III. Excellent profitability IV. Advanced IT encironment V. Strategic regional location VI. Creativity & innovation VII. State-of-the-art infrastructure VIII. World-class multinational companies IX. Strong government support X. Stimulating lifestyle
Shipping list no.: 97-0167-P. ; Earlier edition available for sale from the Supt. of Docs., U.S. G.P.O., Stock number 008-029-00118-7, Price $8.50. ; Originally published: Washington : Dept. of the Army, Office of Military History, 1952. ; "Facsimile reprint, 1989, 1997"--T.p. verso. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Korea ist noch immer gespalten und es herrscht der alte Unfriede, der lokale kalte Krieg aus der Zweiteilung der Nation in zwei gegnerische Systeme setzt sich fort. In den Grunderscheinungen gleicht vieles der früheren "deutschen Frage". Das gilt für den fremden, sowjetischen Ursprung der Trennung des Volkes in zwei Staaten und ebenso für die Verselbständigung ihrer Konfrontation mit der Dauer der Spaltung. Voraussichtlich wird auch die Art und Weise der Vereinigung ähnlich sein, wenngleich es in Korea turbulenter zugehen kann. Obwohl die Grundprobleme sich gleichen, hat die koreanische Realität ihre Eigenwilligkeit. Ohnehin kennt die Historie kein Beispiel dafür, dass die Aufführung eines Stückes an anderem Ort in gleicher Weise abläuft. In Korea hat sich die Gegnerschaft jahrzehntelang erheblich krasser entfaltet, in den Feindbildern ist die militärische Komponente größer. Dennoch wollen dort beide Kontrahenten, anders als früher nur eine deutsche Seite, eine Vereinigung, aber bei tatsächlich unvereinbaren Absichten. Auch will man die Einheit dort besser gestalten als die Deutschen, etwa einen "gewendeten" Norden nicht vom Erfolgssüden absorbieren, sondern sich gleichgestellt fusionieren. Entsprechende Leitbilder gehen weit an der rauen Wirklichkeit vorbei.
South Korea and North Korea split into two countries on 25 June 1950, split into twosovereign States as a result of World War II which was later justified through the Cold War. SouthKorea underwent a security dilemma as North Korea began developing its nuclear program. SouthKorea is at a dilemma. On the one hand this country needs to increase its military physical strengthand strengthen military cooperation with its allies to maintain national and regional stability, but onthe other hand South Korean policy will provoke similar actions by North Korea. This study aims toexplain the dilemma of South Korea's security against North Korea's nuclear development, andfurther analyzes the actions taken by South Korea to deal with the security dilemma. The results ofthis study indicate that North Korea's nuclear development becomes a major threat to South Korea.Efforts were made by the South Korean government to balance Korea's strength. With it SouthKorea is taking steps to strengthen the defense of security by engaging in military cooperationespecially with the United States and Japan. For South Korea by strengthening its defense systemit can compensate for North Korea's nuclear weapons if there is a war between them.
A revision and expansion of the author's Korea's postwar political problems, submitted as a document for the Tenth Conference of the Institute of Pacific Relations in 1947. ; "Issued under the auspices of the International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations." ; Bibliography: p. 349-366. ; Mode of access: Internet.
In diesem Artikel beschäftigen wir uns mit der Liberalisierung des Finanzmarktes und der Bankenprivatisierung in Südkorea mit dem Schwerpunkt auf der Entwicklung seit der Finanzkrise von 1997/98. Die Analyse bietet eine ganze Reihe wichtiger Erkenntnisse sowohl in Bezug auf die Entstehung und Überwindung der Finanzkrise als auch für den tief greifenden Transformationsprozess, in dem sich Korea seit 1997 befindet. Das Hauptaugenmerk dabei liegt in der politischen Ökonomie der Finanzreformen nach der Krise. Ziel der Analyse ist zu erklären, wie ein abstraktes Konzept "Finanzmarktliberalisierung" konkret als politisches Projekt realisiert wird, und welche Ziele und Interessen hinter der forcierten Finanzmarktliberalisierung stehen. Es wird exemplarisch gezeigt, dass wirtschaftliche Liberalisierung nicht mit Laisser-faire gleichgesetzt werden kann, sondern im Gegenteil auf der Nutzung der gesamten Palette staatlicher Regulierungs- und Interventionsmaßnahmen beruht.
This item is part of the Political & Rights Issues & Social Movements (PRISM) digital collection, a collaborative initiative between Florida Atlantic University and University of Central Florida in the Publication of Archival, Library & Museum Materials (PALMM).
Cooperation between ASEAN and South Korea has been established since 1989. Until now, various kinds of cooperation have been implemented, one of which is the ASEAN-Korea Centre, an intergovernmental organization that aims to promote exchanges between South Korea and ASEAN member countries. Indonesia, as one of the member countries of ASEAN-Korea Centre, implements its foreign policy based on active and independent principle through the various role in supporting ASEAN-Korea Centre programs. This research is aimed to analyse the roles that Indonesia plays in the ASEAN-Korea Centre using the concept of national role conceptions from Holsti. The process of collecting and analyzing data is done by qualitative methods through the process of interviews, literature studies and content analysis. The result shows that Indonesia has a national role conception as a regional leader, active independent, and regional-subsystem collaborator in the ASEAN-Korea Centre. Indonesia's national role in the ASEAN-Korea Centre has strengthened Indonesia's international reputation and supported a variety of Indonesian diplomacy in ASEAN.
This thesis has examined the Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE) controversy in Korea in terms of civic epistemology conceptualised by Jasanoff. The Korean BSE controversy occurred as a result of uncertainty over BSE being mobilised within complex political and economic contexts between Korea and the US, particularly over the issue of the import of US beef after 2003. The complexity of the interests impeded the Korean government from adopting a clear position on BSE risk in beef, and thus led to public distrust and massive public protests in 2008. The controversy demonstrated what I have called an authoritarian character of civic epistemology in Korea, such as the dominance of the government in knowledge production, public accountability limited to procedural form, and dependence on foreign authority. It can be ascribed to the traces of the development process which had been led by a powerful state and which relied on importing advanced countries' knowledge and skills. However, simultaneously, the controversy showed that this civic epistemology is in transition, challenged by a growing civil society and an increasing demand for public participation. In light of this, rather than a one-off phenomenon, the BSE controversy in Korea could be defined as a symptom of tension caused by friction between the ingrained approach to policy-making and increasing public awareness of democracy. This pattern of civic epistemology, I suggest, is a distinctive outcome of Korea's status as a latecomer country which has achieved compressed economic growth and recent political democratisation.
This article has two purposes. On the one hand, for those who are interested in Korea or even specialized in one or the other field of Korean Studies, it attempts to present an overall interpretation of the economic, social and political situation currently existing in South Korea, under the focus of the term "capitalism". For such readers the analytic framework of this essay might be of more interest than the factual information which, in parts, is well-known. Although not all aspects of the present South Korean society can be related to the concept of capitalism, it is the intention of this analysis to show that this society cannot be fully understood without regard to this term and its critical implications. The concept of capitalism that is used in this paper will emerge through the article itself, at least in its concluding part.
Nurses are the largest workforce that impacts the health of the people. As the life expectancy and the number of people with chronic diseases increases in Asia, it is important for Asian nursing professionals to play a pivotal role in improving health status and quality of life by demonstrating their leadership. This article focuses on nursing leadership in Korea. Leadership exemplars were described in detail to show how successful nursing leaders set goals and challenged to meet these goals, despite numerous obstacles that exist in male-oriented society of Korea. And three essential elements that future nurse leaders should consider were suggested. First, awareness was emphasized as the first step to becoming a leader. Clear awareness about women and nursing would help nursing leaders reduce or eliminate gender biases that can undermine nurses' achievements and limit their advancement. Second, challenge was stressed as nursing leaders must challenge and expand the horizon of nursing by facing their situations and problems with courage. Lastly, transformation was highlighted, as the ultimate role of a leader is to make the world better. Four leadership frames—structural frame, human resource frame, political frame, and symbolic frame—were introduced to help guide their leadership journey to change the world. The results of this study would help nurses innovate with excellent leadership by efficiently managing nursing resources and by helping nursing organizations to adjust to changing demands in health care.
Korea ist am 6. August 1971 in ein neues, aber realistisches Stadium in der Bestrebung nach Wiedervereinigung des Landes getreten. Als der südkoreanische Ministerpräsident, Kim Chong-P'il, vor dem Parlament eine "neue" Außenpolitik ankündigte, die "auf die rasche Entwicklung der internationalen Politik nach der Zusammenkunft Nixons mit Mao Tse-tung abzielt" und dabei "die zwischenstaatlichen Beziehungen mit allen Ländern, die keine feindselige Politik gegenüber Seoul treiben, aufnehmen will", gab der nordkoreanische Ministerpräsident, Kim Il-Song, auf einer Kundgebung für die kambodschanische Exil-Regierung Sihanouks am selben Tag bekannt, daß Nordkorea "bereit ist, mit der südkoreanischen regierenden Partei, d. h. der Demokratisch-Republikanischen Partei (Minchu-Konghwa-Dang) unter der Führung des Staatspräsidenten Park Chung-Hee, über die friedliche Wiedervereinigung des Landes zu sprechen". Dies war Kim Il-Songs Reaktion auf die "Bettlerdiplomatie Nixons" und das erste Angebot Nordkoreas nach der Teilung des Landes, mit einer regierenden südkoreanischen Partei direkt zu verhandeln.
