Suchergebnisse

Nenad Miscevic's Nationalism and Beyond: Introducing Moral Debate about Values (New York: CEU Press, 2001) is reviewed. Of the book's three parts, part 1 describes nationalism as a political program; part 2 discusses the relationship between culture, identity, & tradition; & part 3 proposes cosmopolitanism as an alternative to nationalism. The review focuses on Miscevic's debunking of the intellectual, political, cultural, & moral arguments advanced by proponents in favor of nationalism; the various arguments are presented & Miscevic's criticism is supported. It is concluded that the author's ethical-political argumentation against nationalism is very convincing, but his treatment of the relationship between the individual & society seems to be too general & perfunctory. 2 References. Z. Dubiel

In the article the author offers a brief sketch of the history and different meanings of criticism as they were formed over the last three centuries. He points out the original meaning of the usage of the term and then points to the narrower meaning, especially that found in art criticism. He then claims that a large portion of art criticism has retained its essence and meaning unchanged since its beginning and that this is also true insofar as it has not changed when art is compared with new media and Chinese art. The author also notes that art criticism represents an important constituent part of art proper. ; V svojem članku prikaže avtor kratek potek zgodovine in različnih pomenov kritike kot so se ti oblikovali skozi zadnja tri stoletja. Pokaže na izvorni pomen tega izraza ter nato na razvoj kritike v angleškem družbenem, kulturnem in političnem prostoru, kjer je kritika vedno bolj postajala kulturna kritika. Opozori na njun današnji pomen. Čeprav je kritika danes izgubila jasno vsebino, to ni zmanjšalo njene tehtnosti in pomena pa naj je šlo za kritiko novih medijev ali kitajske umetnosti. Avtor tudi opozori, da tvori umetnostna kritika pomembno konstituanto umetnosti kot take.

The author shows that Rawls's conception of the overlapping consensus does not apply to value pluralism in general but only to the so-called reasonable pluralism. The author first gives an account of the criticisms directed at Rawls's neutralization of the political by Gray & Mouffe, & tries to demonstrate that neither of these critiques is entirely valid. A Weberian critique, however, would not display these shortcomings. Weber's liberalism is based on value pluralism, & its key assumption is that there is no hierarchy of values. Besides, no political concept may escape the fundamental features of political activity -- the spoils system or the system of the distribution of political gains & the ethical irrationality. The fundamentals of Weber's liberalism can be found in his maxim "Become what you are made for!" as well as in the "political characters" that belong to the world of classical liberalism. A political leader is a creator of institutions & liberal communities with which Weber eschews the traditional liberal foundationalism based on natural rights & utilitarianism. Hence, his liberalism is the least doctrinaire one because moral issues remain a part of the political conflict. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.

Kant's concept of "perpetual peace" is the cornerstone of the rational human right that, in the form of international law, bears upon all states. However, the prerequisite for enduring international legal security & peace is that the internal affairs of states are based on constitutional & republican principles. Although Kant is clearly aware of the antinomies & paradoxes of a world league of states, he nevertheless postulates the ideal of a world league of republican states, since it corresponds to the general striving of nature & moral consciousness; such a league would guarantee a relatively peaceful coexistence among the states, based on international legal precepts. Hegel has often (& wrongfully) been accused of being an apologist of war; in fact, he only realized (having in mind the realities of sovereign national states) the inevitability of multilateral conflicts -- including military ones. His disproval of Kant's ideal of a league of states is based on his disbelief in the feasibility of supranational law, which should be superior to the absolute sovereignty of the state & keep an eye on & contain its partial interests. Adapted from the source document.

Comment expliquer l'immense succès actuel de leaders populistes tels que Donald Trump, Jair Bolsonaro, Matteo Salvini, Victor Orban arba ir Marine Le Pen? Les explications sociologiques et politologiques font appel à une série de donnéescontextuelles: ce qui joue en faveur des partis «anti-élitistes», c'est la crise économique, c'est le chômage, l'immigration, l'insécurité, attribués les uns et les autres à la faillite du «système» politique représentatif. Le but de cet article est de compléter ces explications en adoptant une perspective proprement sémiotique (enimmanence) qui consiste à analyser les rapports sensibles, de caractère «intime» — personnellement, immédiatement, esthésiquement vécus — qui se nouent entre les leaders populistes et leurs partisans. L'article inclut en outre une typologie des régimes politiques (totalitarisme, absolutisme, démocratie représentative, démocratie «directe» et sa caricature, la démagogie) interdéfinis sur la base des régimes interactionels qui les sous-tendent.

This article presents a discussion of the essence of moral, political theology, one which is specifically related to the political life and the public attitude with which Croatia would like to enter the European Union and make itself more present in the world. It is a theology which strives to actively contribute to the process of the humanisation of society. Theology, as an attitude of critical reasoning, plays a fundamental role in the process of the liberation of man and the strengthening of the Christian community by helping to liberate them from all types of fetishes and idolatry. At the same time, it helps avoid the kind of fatal narcissism which impoverishes human relationships. Understood in this way, every kind of theology, and especially political theology, has a permanent and necessary role to play in the process of liberation from all forms of religious alienation. This alienation is generally something which the ecclesiastical institutions themselves produce when they obstruct or hinder the Word of God being approached in an authentic way. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the theoretical postulates of Emile Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which in Croatia -- due to the circumstances -- has outstanding theoretical & practical significance. The author looks into the theories that shaped Durkheim's idea of solidarity: that of legal solidarity, a major theoretical development, particularly within French administrative law of the time (with a special emphasis on the seminal book by Leon Bourgeois); & that of the theory of community, focusing on German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies as well as on some of his predecessors such as Otto von Gierke, Henry Sumner Maine, & Fustel de Coulanges. The author claims that this mental framework immensely influenced Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which he put forward in his famous study De la division du travail social in 1893. The author reviews Durkheim's central postulates & discusses the distinctions between the so-called "mechanical" & "organic" solidarity. Finally, certain faults in Durkheim's theory are pointed out. Nevertheless, & despite these well-founded objections, Durkheim's solidarity theory remains an "object lesson" in understanding solidarity. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the theoretical postulates of Emile Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which in Croatia -- due to the circumstances -- has outstanding theoretical & practical significance. The author looks into the theories that shaped Durkheim's idea of solidarity: that of legal solidarity, a major theoretical development, particularly within French administrative law of the time (with a special emphasis on the seminal book by Leon Bourgeois); & that of the theory of community, focusing on German sociologist Ferdinand Tonnies as well as on some of his predecessors such as Otto von Gierke, Henry Sumner Maine, & Fustel de Coulanges. The author claims that this mental framework immensely influenced Durkheim's concept of solidarity, which he put forward in his famous study De la division du travail social in 1893. The author reviews Durkheim's central postulates & discusses the distinctions between the so-called "mechanical" & "organic" solidarity. Finally, certain faults in Durkheim's theory are pointed out. Nevertheless, & despite these well-founded objections, Durkheim's solidarity theory remains an "object lesson" in understanding solidarity. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.

Since the fall of the communist East, liberal democracy has remained the sole form of political system. The author, in the vein of Carl Schmitt, raises some serious doubts about the ability of that system to stand up to the challenges posed by the 21st century. That dubiety stems primarily from the dichotomy between liberalism & democracy & the fact that technology, though apolitical according to the liberal canon, has long been politicized. Adapted from the source document.