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This paper explores the idea of métissage - a kind of intertextuality - as it has been theorized by Françoise Lionnet (1989) through a close reading of Le Cow-boy (1983), an autobiographical novel by Djanet Lachmet about the Algerian Revolution (1954 - 1962). Lionnet (1989) describes métissage as a textual weaving of traditions in order to reintroduce oral Creole customs and to re-evaluate receives Western concepts. The term carefully links issues of race, politics, reading and writing. Described as a "life-story", Lachmet's Le Cow-boy is the story of Lallia, a young girl growing up during the Algerian liberation struggle of the 1950s and 60s. Providing both a critique of métissage and study of its possible manifestation in the novel, I ask wether life-writing is - in this case - a kind of stratagem that opens up ambiguous spaces of possibility where a subject of violent history and an agent of discourse might engage with one another; where new models of interaction between the personal and the political might be meaningfully explored. ; Este ensayo explora el concepto del métissage -una clase de intertextualidad- tal y como ha sido teorizada por Françoise Lionnet (1989) a través de una lectura en profundidad de El Cow-boy (1983), una novela autobiográfica de Djanet Lachmet sobre la Revolución argelina (1954-1962). Lionnet (1989) describe el métissage como una trama textual de tradiciones que reintroducen las costumbres del Criollo oral y reevalúa los conceptos occidentales asumidos. El término enlaza cuidadosamente temas como raza, política, lectura y escritura. Descrita como una «Autobiografía», El Cow-boy de Lachmet es la historia de Lallia, una chica joven que crece durante el periodo de la lucha por la liberación argelina, durante los años 50 y 60. Elaboro conjuntamente una crítica del métissage y un estudio de su manifestación en la novela, y me pregunto si los relatos autobiográficos son -en este caso- una estratagema que proporciona espacios ambiguos de posibilidad en los cuales, un sujeto de una historia violenta y un agente del discurso, pueden relacionarse entre ellos; donde nuevas maneras de interacción entre lo personal y lo político pueden ser significativamente estudiados. ; Aquest treball explora la idea de métissage - un tipus d'intertextualitat - tal com ha teoritzat Françoise Lionnet (1989), mitjançant la lectura minuciosa de Le Cow-boy (1983), una novel·la autobiogràfica de Djanet Lachmet sobre la revolució algeriana (1954-1962). Lionnet (1989) descriu el métissage com un teixit de tradicions per reintroduir els costums criolls orals i per reevaluar els conceptes occidentals rebuts. El terme enllaça qüestions de raça, de política, de lectura i d'escriptura. Escrita com una autobiografia, Le Cow-boy de Lachmet és la història de la Lallia, una noia que creix durant la lluita per l'alliberació algeriana dels anys 50 i 60. Tot fent una crítica del métissage i un estudi de la seva possible manifestació a la novel·la, pregunto si l'autobiografia - en aquest cas - és una estratègia que obre espais ambigus de possibilitats on un subjecte d'una història violenta i un agent del discurs es podrien relacionar; on nous modes d'interacció entre qüestions personals i polítiques es podrien explorar de manera significativa. ; Artikulu honek Françoise Lionnet-en (1989) métissage -intertestualitate modu bat- kontzeptua aztertzea du helburu, eta horretarako Djanet Lachmet-ek Aljeriako Iraultzari (1954-1962) buruz idatzi zuen Le Cow-boy (1983) eleberri autobiografikotik abiatuko naiz. Lionneten (1989) ustez, métissage tradizio-multzo testual baten antzekoa da, ahozko usadio kreolak berriro txertatzeko eta mendebaldeko kontzeptuei buruz beste behin hausnartzeko. Terminoak tentu handiz lotzen ditu arraza, politika, irakurketa eta idazketarekin zerikusia duten kontuak. «Biografia» gisa deskribatu dutela, Lachmeten Le Cow-boy eleberriak Lallia-ren istorioa kontatzen digu, berrogeita hamarreko eta hirurogeiko hamarkadetan Aljeriako askatasun-borroken testuinguruan hazi zen neska gazte batena. Métissage-aren kritika eta hark eleberrian duen zilegizko presentzia aztertzeaz batera, nire buruari galdetzen diot biografiak idaztea ez ote den -kasu honetan- aukerazko espazio anbiguoak ahalbidetzen dituen amarru modukoa, non historia bortitzeko ikergai baten eta elkarrizketa-agente baten arteko elkarreragina gertatzen den, non ezaugarri pertsonal eta politikoen arteko interakzio modu berriak zentzu handiz azter daitezkeen.

This article looks at Adorno's treatment of Kant's moral philosophy in negative dialectics and in the courts that prepared this book, Probleme der Moralphiloophie and Zur Lehre von der Geschichte und von der Freiheit. Adorno maintains an ambivalent relationship to Kant's moral theory, considering it both as encumbered by "internal contradictions" and as "moral philosophy by excellence". The article focuses on Adorno's major criticism to Kant of trying to resolve the antinomy of freedom and neglect the dialectic of freedom and non-freedom. After discovering the semantic journeys made by Adorno, he shows how Adorno renews moral thinking in relation to Kant. https://www.cairn.info/revue-cahiers-philosophiques-2018-3-page-79.htm ; International audience ; This article looks at Adorno's treatment of Kant's moral philosophy in negative dialectics and in the courts that prepared this book, Probleme der Moralphiloophie and Zur Lehre von der Geschichte und von der Freiheit. Adorno maintains an ambivalent relationship to Kant's moral theory, considering it both as encumbered by "internal contradictions" and as "moral philosophy by excellence". The article focuses on Adorno's major criticism to Kant of trying to resolve the antinomy of freedom and neglect the dialectic of freedom and non-freedom. After discovering the semantic journeys made by Adorno, he shows how Adorno renews moral thinking in relation to Kant. https://www.cairn.info/revue-cahiers-philosophiques-2018-3-page-79.htm ; Cet article s'intéresse au traitement que réserve Adorno à la philosophie morale de Kant dans la Dialectique négative et dans les cours magistraux qui ont préparé cet ouvrage, Probleme der Moralphilosophie et Zur Lehre von der Geschichte und von der Freiheit. Adorno entretient un rapport ambivalent à la théorie morale de Kant en la considérant à la fois comme grevée de « contradictions internes » et comme la « philosophie morale par excellence ». L'article prend pour fil directeur le reproche majeur qu'adresse Adorno à Kant d'avoir essayé de ...

Since Simone de Beausee, feminism has become established not only as a social and political movement, but also as an indispensable academic research sector and, in many cases, as a privileged space for social criticism. In several contemporary feminist movements, the fight for women's dignity and autonomy is reflected in a fight against the major forms of domination which continue to maintain in all current societies the reproduction of mechanisms that discriminate against women: these are primarily sexist attitudes fuelled by the predominant patriarchal models in many cultures, racism trying to identify subjunior groups on the basis of physical or cultural characteristics, and economic exploitation up to and including the sharing of domestic tasks. These domination systems lead to collective symbolic murder mechanisms motivated by fear of girls and women emancipating through education, employment, power or culture. How can we kill children because they go to school, rape women because they have freely chosen a husband or decided to represent their community politically, to defend a sexual orientation, or to write a novel? What social paranoia has embraced the 21st century gender war? ; Depuis Simone de Beauvoir, le féminisme s'est imposé non seulement comme un mouvement social et politique, mais également comme un secteur de recherche académique incontournable et, dans bien des cas, comme un espace privilégié de la critique sociale. Dans plusieurs mouvements féministes contemporains, la lutte pour la dignité et l'autonomie des femmes se traduit par un combat contre les grandes formes de domination qui continuent d'entretenir dans toutes les sociétés actuelles la reproduction de mécanismes discriminatoires à l'égard des femmes : il s'agit en priorité des attitudes sexistes alimentées par les modèles patriarcaux prédominants dans de nombreuses cultures, du racisme s'efforçant de désigner partout des groupes subalternes en fonction de caractéristiques physiques ou culturelles, enfin de l'exploitation économique ...

The increasing complexity of litigation and increasingly frequent use of scientific expertise raises questions about the role of non judicial elements in jurisprudence. In the environmental field, the frequent recourse to expertise leads to a paradox: while the increasing importance of scientific considerations almost systematically calls for scientific expertise, the scientific uncertainty, coupled with the political stakes makes it difficult for a judge to use this expertise. Due to the impossibility for a judge to isolate himself from scientific controversies, the expert has become a prime stakeholder in environmental and health issues and subject to criticism. The relationship between the expert and the magistrate thus becomes highly important.International jurisdiction is more and more often called upon to validate the scientific basis of the judgements of lower courts. This is also the case of the World Trade Organisation. As dispute settlement panels assess the value of a scientific expertise or the accuracy of a risk assessment, they become judges of scientific expertise. What are the modalities of the use of scientific experts?What is the importance of the scientific expertise in the making of a ruling?These questions will allow us to contribute to the discussion about the increasing use of scientific expertise in judicial proceedings at the World Trade Organisation. ; Face à la complexification des litiges et à la progression constante du recours à l'expertise, se pose la question de la place des éléments non juridiques dans l'élaboration du jugement. Sur le terrain environnemental, le recours de plus en plus fréquent à l'expert relève du paradoxe : la haute teneur scientifique des litiges impose presque systématiquement un recours à l'expert alors que, simultanément, l'incertitude scientifique couplée au fort enjeu politique entourant la décision judiciaire complexifie l'utilisation de l'expertise par le juge. L'impossible isolement du juge face aux controverses de la science a fait de l'expert ...

Critical analysis of draft laws aimed at reforming the right of parentage' ; International audience ; Critical analysis of draft laws aimed at reforming the right of parentage' ; Analyse critique des projets de loi visant la reforme du droit de filiation

International audience Strong criticisms were voiced against the role of State in the discussion of the future of forests, leading to a complete change in the forest model and the development of new policy tools, including ecocertification. By fostering new mechanisms for public governance in the forestry field, ecocertification systems have reshuffled the cards as between countries and players, shifting their respective positions and producing public decisions that are governed solely by the results anticipated from those changes. In the absence of any practicable alternative, ecocertification, just as State intervention previously, is likely to be seen as a myth. ; La critique du rôle de l'Etat qui a accompagné les discussions sur l'avenir des forêts a amené à proposer de changer complètement le modèle de politique forestière pour de nouveaux instruments dont l'écocertification. En suscitant de nouveaux mécanismes d'intervention publique en forêt, les systèmes d'écocertification redistribuent les cartes entre pays et acteurs, déplaçant les positions de chacun et amenant à des choix publics qui finissent par être seulement dictés par l'idée qu'on se fait des résultats de tels changements. Faute d'alternative immédiate, l'écocertification, comme l'Etat avant elle, risque d'apparaître aujourd'hui comme une sorte de mythe.

Critical analysis of the case-law of the Court of Cassation denying procedural loyalty to its status as a (general) principle of law ; Analyse critique de la jurisprudence de la Cour de cassation dépossédant la loyauté procédurale de son statut de principe (général) de droit

International audience The Yellow Vests movement has aroused a debate on the democratic aspirations of citizens in France. This recent contextual element sheds light on scientific controversies concerning the sources of political disaffection in the citizens of contemporary societies. It is on these sources that we have conducted a qualitative survey using focus groups in 2014-2015. Reproducing parts of the research protocol developed by John Hibbing and Elizabeth Theiss-Morse (2002) in the United States in Stealth Democracy, we show that citizens' perceptions of democracy are highly dependent on their social class, levels of commitment, and political orientations. Although our focus groups show a deep dissatisfaction with the democratic system, as well as a severe criticism of elites and political parties, representative democracy appears as a permanent horizon to which the citizens resign themselves. ; Annexes électroniques de l'article : http://journals.openedition.org/sociologie/7972 Le mouvement des Gilets jaunes a été l'occasion d'ouvrir un débat, en France, sur les aspirations démocratiques des citoyens. Cet élément contextuel récent remet en lumière certaines controverses scientifiques concernant les ressorts de la désaffection des gouvernés vis-à-vis des institutions politiques dans les sociétés contemporaines, sur lesquelles nous avons conduit en 2014-2015 une enquête qualitative par focus groups. En reproduisant une partie du dispositif d'enquête mis au point par John Hibbing et Elizabeth Theiss-Morse (2002) aux États-Unis dans Stealth Democracy, nous montrons que les perceptions que les citoyens ont de la démocratie dépendent fortement de la classe sociale, du niveau d'engagement et des orientations politiques. S'il ressort de nos focus groups un profond mécontentement à l'encontre du système démocratique, ainsi qu'une critique sévère des élites et partis politiques, la démocratie représentative appara\ⁱt toutefois comme un horizon indépassable, auquel se résignent les citoyens.

Critical comment on the measures taken in the field of justice by the federal government during the COVID 19 crisis ; Commentaire critique des mesures prises en matière de justice par le gouvernement fédéral en période de crise COVID 19

"As we have been working for several years on humains-animal relations, we have been interpelled by Dominique Guillo's proposals in "The forgotten foundations of culture". We wanted to give our reading of it, which is necessarily partial, necessarily located. We did so in a prescriptive (yet already generous) format, which nevertheless seemed to us to be able to allow readers less familiar with the subject matter to locate these proposals in an intellectual and academic space. Dominique Guillo criticises us for not having assessed its proposal for itself, for not having made a critical 'internal' analysis of that proposal. In our view, however, that is what we have done. (.)' ; International audience ; "As we have been working for several years on humains-animal relations, we have been interpelled by Dominique Guillo's proposals in "The forgotten foundations of culture". We wanted to give our reading of it, which is necessarily partial, necessarily located. We did so in a prescriptive (yet already generous) format, which nevertheless seemed to us to be able to allow readers less familiar with the subject matter to locate these proposals in an intellectual and academic space. Dominique Guillo criticises us for not having assessed its proposal for itself, for not having made a critical 'internal' analysis of that proposal. In our view, however, that is what we have done. (.)' ; "Parce que nous travaillons depuis plusieurs années sur les rapports humains-animaux, nous avons été interpellés par les propositions présentées par Dominique Guillo dans "Les Fondements oubliés de la culture". Nous avons souhaité en livrer notre lecture, nécessairement partielle, nécessairement située. Nous l'avons fait dans un format contraint (pourtant déjà généreux), qui néanmoins nous paraissait pouvoir permettre à des lecteurs moins familiers de l'objet de situer ces propositions dans un espace intellectuel et académique. Dominique Guillo nous reproche de ne pas avoir évalué sa proposition pour elle-même, de ne pas en avoir formulé ...

International audience Looking at considering landscape as an object or a tool for governance allows us to set a milestone in recent trends where observation and critical analysis of territorial governance modalities are refined. It also confirms the extension of the landscape field beyond remarkable and heritage landscapes in order to analyse management of the everyday landscape in public policies. When approached from a governance perspective, landscape is part of a political questioning regarding : actors, power relations, decision-making processes and management logics. Confronting governance and landscape therefore encourages us to focus attention on a set of epistemological, political and methodological issues. The dossier "Landscape as an instrument of territorial governance : between experimentation, criticism and institutional capacities" brings together eleven texts that have responded to this invitation, all based on case studies, at different scales, to observe, decipher and test forms of governance of, by or for landscape. ; Questionner la gouvernance quand elle se donne le paysage pour objet ou pour outil permet de poser un jalon dans l'évolution récente qui a vu s'affiner l'observation et l'analyse critique des modalités de gouvernance territoriale. Cela permet également de confirmer l'extension du champ du paysage au-delà du seul paysage remarquable et patrimonialisé pour analyser l'intégration du paysage quotidien dans les politiques publiques. Dès lors qu'il est abordé dans une perspective de gouvernance, le paysage s'inscrit dans une réflexion politique : sur les acteurs, les rapports de pouvoir, les processus de décision et les logiques de gestion. Confronter gouvernance et paysage incite donc à focaliser l'attention sur un ensemble d'enjeux à la fois épistémologiques, politiques et méthodologiques. Le dossier « Le paysage comme instrument de gouvernance territoriale : entre expérimentation, critique et capacités institutionnelles » rassemble onze textes qui ont répondu à cette invitation en ...

In an article entitled 'The Modern World of Leo Strauss', first published in 1992 and then re-published in 1997, Pippin argued that Strauss' ennology in Natural Law and History did not support Kantian criticism and the subsequent development of idealist philosophies. The aim of our study is to show, through a return of the Saussian oennology of natural conscience, (1) that the idea of 'nature' which Strauss seeks to cover is not based on dogmatic metaphysics and (2) that its legislative approach is based on a re-appropriation of the arguments of F. H. Jacobi in favour of rejecting Kantian rationalism. ; Dans un article intitulé « The Modern World of Leo Strauss », d'abord publié en 1992, puis réédité en 1997, R. B. Pippin défendait la thèse selon laquelle la phénoménologie déployée par Strauss dans Droit naturel et histoire ne permet pas de prendre en charge le criticisme kantien et le développement des philosophies idéalistes qui s'ensuivit. Notre étude vise à montrer, par le biais d'une restitution de la phénoménologie straussienne de la conscience naturelle, (1) que l'idée de « nature » que Strauss vise à recouvrir n'est pas fondée sur une métaphysique dogmatique et (2) que sa démarche phénoménologique prend source dans une réappropriation des arguments de F. H. Jacobi en faveur du rejet du rationalisme kantien.

This article examines the translation of the Republic of Platon into English simplified by Ivor Armstrong Richards (1893-1979), philosopher and literary criticism (1942). This 'experimental version' deserves the interest of translators, since Richards reduces the platonician text by more than half, and accompanies his translation with an 'Introduction' in which he justifies the choice of the Republic, its statement, and its method of translation, which is the command of the Republic. The choice of translating the Republic is political — a desire to rediscover platonician views on democracy in order to combat totalitarianism — and is accompanied by a desire to publicise philosophical knowledge based on an analysis of the translation act. Differentiating between the 'tone' and the 'meaning' conveyed by the language, Richards chooses to neglect the former in favour of the latter, retains the ideas and joints of the original text, omits what is part of the socio-cultural context, which he always considers to be singular and relative, in order to make the Republic understandable by any reader. The Republic in simplified English is a political word embodied by a translation policy itself supported by a particular language design. ; International audience ; This article examines the translation of the Republic of Platon into English simplified by Ivor Armstrong Richards (1893-1979), philosopher and literary criticism (1942). This 'experimental version' deserves the interest of translators, since Richards reduces the platonician text by more than half, and accompanies his translation with an 'Introduction' in which he justifies the choice of the Republic, its statement, and its method of translation, which is the command of the Republic. The choice of translating the Republic is political — a desire to rediscover platonician views on democracy in order to combat totalitarianism — and is accompanied by a desire to publicise philosophical knowledge based on an analysis of the translation act. Differentiating between the ...

The purpose of this article is to examine the extent to which Machiavel's thinking inspired Claude Lefort's work. While, in order to mark Florentin's influence on the French philosopher, commentators most often take into account the explicit time of the work of Machiavel (1972), we assume that this influence is deeper, and that, together with the contribution of other currents (the trotskysm, Merleau-Ponty) and the criticism of Soviet marxism, it has helped to give Lefort's thoughts some of its distinctive characteristics. Lefort is just as machiaveslist as machiavélien, this is what appears when comparing his thinking of democracy with the machiavélian model of the republic. ; International audience ; The purpose of this article is to examine the extent to which Machiavel's thinking inspired Claude Lefort's work. While, in order to mark Florentin's influence on the French philosopher, commentators most often take into account the explicit time of the work of Machiavel (1972), we assume that this influence is deeper, and that, together with the contribution of other currents (the trotskysm, Merleau-Ponty) and the criticism of Soviet marxism, it has helped to give Lefort's thoughts some of its distinctive characteristics. Lefort is just as machiaveslist as machiavélien, this is what appears when comparing his thinking of democracy with the machiavélian model of the republic. ; Il s'agit dans cet article d'examiner dans quelle mesure la pensée de Machiavel a inspiré l'oeuvre de Claude Lefort. Alors que, pour marquer l'influence du Florentin sur le philosophe français, les commentateurs ne retiennent le plus souvent que le moment explicite du Travail de l'oeuvre Machiavel (1972), nous faisons l'hypothèse que cette influence est plus profonde, et que, conjuguée à l'apport d'autres courants (le trotskysme, la phénoménologie de Merleau-Ponty) et à la critique du marxisme soviétique, elle a contribué à donner à la pensée de Lefort certains de ses caractères distinctifs. Lefort est tout autant machiavéliste que ...

International audience For most observers—both Indonesian and foreigners, journalists and academics—the 2014 Indonesian presidential elections, gave rise to a Homeric battle between two candidates, representing two radically different versions of the same criticism of the political life in the archipelago. Trapped in its contradictions—an institutionally perfect democracy but largely confiscated by a nepotism marked by the political culture of the Suharto regime—the Reformasi seemed poised in 2014 to surrender to a retrograde populism vertigo, embodied by Prabowo Subianto. However, economic growth, freedom of expression and the emergence of a new generation of local politicians offered, timely, a progressive alternative to this disillusionment. Born in a poor family, the charismatic governor of Jakarta, Joko Widodo (Jokowi), became, in July 2014, the seventh President of the Indonesian Republic. The very high expectations raised by his election, however, were partly disappointed. Jostling the habits of the narrow political elite, Jokowi had to face powerful resistances, even within his own party. This forced him to establish a delicate and contested hierarchy in the implementation of his political program. ; Aux yeux de la plupart des observateurs – qu'ils soient indonésiens ou étrangers, journalistes ou universitaires – les élections présidentielles de 2014 en Indonésie, donnèrent lieu à un affrontement homérique opposant des candidats représentant deux versions radicalement différentes d'une même critique de l'évolution politique de l'Archipel. Parvenue au bout de ses contradictions – une démocratie institutionnellement irréprochable mais largement confisquée par un népotisme tout empreint de la culture politique du régime Suharto – la Reformasi semblait prête, en 2014, à s'abandonner aux vertiges du populisme rétrograde qu'incarnait Prabowo Subianto. Cependant, la croissance économique, les acquis de la liberté d'expression et surtout l'émergence, dans le cadre de la décentralisation, d'une génération capable ...