Suchergebnisse

O modelu "nacionalne kulture" Geerta Hofstedea raspravlja se u ovom članku s tri aspekta. Sa sociološkog aspekta, model je izraz interesa multinacionalnih korporacija u eri globalizacije za uklanjanjem kulturnih prepreka poslovanju, koje su uspostavili modeli značenja kulture u sklopu carstava i nacija-država, preferirajući oštre distinkcije i fundamentalnu neusporedivost kultura. Drugi aspekt rasprave je metodološki, gdje se upozorava na problem odnosa između empirijskih varijacija i tipičnosti u Hofstedeovu modelu, budući da on zanemaruje promjenjivost i proturječja u kulturnom obrascu. I treći aspekt, pedagoški, odnosi se na pitanje može li se ili na koji način model upotrijebiti kao predložak za izradu odgojno-obrazovnog kurikuluma, odnosno pedagoški preporučljivog vrijednosno-normativnog obrasca orijentacije (učenika), u demokratskom i pluralističkom, ali i sve više tržišno povezanom i neizvjesnom svijetu. ; Geert Hofstede's model of "national culture" is discussed from three aspects. From the sociological aspect, the model represents the expression of multinational companies' interests for the removal of cultural barriers to business in the era of globalization, the barriers established by the models of importance of culture within empires and nation-states, preferring strict distinctions and fundamental incomparability of cultures. The second aspect of the discussion is methodological, pointing to the problem of relationship between empirical variations and typicalnesses in Hofstede's model, since it does not sufficiently allow for variability and discrepancies in cultural pattern. The third, educational aspect, considers the question whether it is or how is it possible to use this model as a sample for an educational curriculum, i.e. pedagogically recommendable value-normative pattern of students' orientation in the world which is democratic and pluralistic, but at the same time more and more market-united and uncertain. ; Über das Modell der "nationalen Kultur" von Geert Hofstede wird in diesem Artikel unter drei Gesichtspunkten gesprochen. Aus soziologischer Sicht kommen in diesem Modell Interessen multinationaler Konzerne zum Ausdruck, in der Zeit der Globalisierung kulturelle Barrieren für ihre Geschäftstätigkeit zu beseitigen, die durch Bedeutungsmodelle der Kultur im Rahmen der Weltreiche und nationalen Staaten aufgebaut wurden, indem sie scharfe Trennungslinien und grundsätzliche Unvergleichbarkeit von Kulturen bevorzugten. Der zweite Aspekt der Diskussion ist methodologischer Natur. Dabei wird das Verhältnis zwischen empirischen Varianten und dem Idealtyp in Hofstedes Modell kritisch überprüft, da es ungenügend die Veränderlichkeit und Widersprüchlichkeit von Kulturmustern berücksichtigt. Der dritte, pädagogische Gesichtspunkt bezieht sich auf die Frage, ob und wie dieses Modell als Vorlage für die Ausarbeitung eines Bildungs- und Erziehungskurrikulums bzw. eines pädagogisch vertretbaren normativen Wertmusters zur Orientierung von Schülern in einer demokratischen und pluralen, jedoch wirtschaftlich immer mehr vernetzten und unsicheren Welt benutzt werden kann.

In the contemporary society, creativity is one of the most desirable abilities which an individual can possess in all the fields of human activity. On the other hand, educational policy and national curriculums marginalize the importance of art subjects in most countries in the world, while the advantage is given to STEM disciplines (science, technology, engineering, mathematics). Although creativity, according to many educational standards, is one of the key abilities, in teaching practice routine activities are still valued more than creative ones. However, it is the art subjects which develop creativity (constructive) potential within an individual, although this also heavily depends on a teacher/professor, on his/her methodological approach and abilities within the scope of professional activity. Therefore, we conducted empirical research in Visual Arts Teaching Methodology training and non-training primary schools. We expected that we would foster students' development of creativity through regular collaboration with university, problem-based learning of art and artistic language, inventiveness in creating art assignments and through increasing public awareness of harmfulness of stereotypical artistic expression. Among a large number of verified tests of creativity, Urban-Jellen test "The Test for Creative Thinking - Drawing Production (TCT-DP)", which is based on the activity of drawing, was selected and used in this study. We wanted to know whether there was a statistically significant difference between training and non-training schools in students' performance on the test used to examine the level of creativity. The level of statistically significant difference between the control group and the experimental group was determined by a chi-squared test. The research has been carried out in elementary schools in the area of the city of Zagreb, on the sample that included the students of fourth and eighth grade. The results of the research indicate that there is a possible influence of collaboration between the mentors and university professors and students of teacher-training college within the scope of Visual Arts Teaching Methodology course on students' creativity. ; U suvremenom je društvu kreativnost jedna od najpoželjnijih sposobnosti koju pojedinac posjeduje u svim područjima ljudskog djelovanja. S druge strane, obrazovna politika i nacionalni kurikuli u većini zemalja svijeta umjetničke predmete marginaliziraju po važnosti, a prednost se daje STEM (engl. science, technology, engineering, mathematics) disciplinama. Iako je, prema mnogim obrazovnim standardima, kreativnost jedna od ključnih kompetencija u nastavničkoj praksi, i dalje se vrednuju rutinske više nego kreativne aktivnosti. Upravo umjetnički predmeti u obrazovanju razvijaju u pojedincu kreativni (stvaralački) potencijal, ali to uvelike ovisi i o učitelju/nastavniku, o njegovu metodičkom pristupu i kompetencijama u okviru profesionalnog djelovanja. Stoga smo proveli empirijsko istraživanje u mentorskim (za Metodiku likovne kulture) i nementorskim osnovnim školama. Očekivalo se da će se redovitom suradnjom s fakultetom, putem likovnojezične problemske nastav, inventivnosti u osmišljavanju likovnih zadataka i osvještavanjem problematike štetnosti stereotipnog likovnog izražavanja utjecati na razvoj kreativnosti kod učenika. Između većeg broja provjerenih testova kreativnosti, upotrijebljen je Urban - Jellen "The Test for Creative Thinking - Drawing Production (TCT-DP)", koji se temelji na crtačkoj aktivnosti. Zanimalo nas je postoji li statistički značajna razlika između mentorskih i nementorskih škola u rješavanju testa kojim se ispituje stupanj kreativnosti. Stupanj značajnosti razlike između kontrolne i eksperimentalne skupine statistički je utvrđen hi-kvadrat testom. Istraživanje je provedeno u osnovnim školama na području Grada Zagreba, na uzorku koji je obuhvaćao učenike četvrtih i osmih razreda. Rezultati istraživanja ukazuju na moguć utjecaj suradnje učitelja mentora sa sveučilišnim nastavnicima i studentima učiteljskih studija u okviru Metodike likovne kulture na kreativnost učenika.

U ovom su radu analizirani stavovi srednjoškolaca prema selektiranim demokratskim vrijednostima, odnos između shvaćanja i sociodemografskih obilježja učenika srednjih škola te su uspoređena gledišta učenika, njihovih roditelja i profesora. Korišteni su podaci prikupljeni 1993. i 1998. godine u sklopu projekata "Genealogija i transfer modela interkulturalizma" i "Školski kurikulum i obilježja hrvatske nacionalne kulture". Analiza rezultata pokazala je da je 1998. godine došlo do znatnih promjena u stavovima srednjoškolaca prema demokratskim vrijednostima u odnosu prema prijašnjem istraživanju. Promjene se očituju u statistički značajno manjem stupnju prihvaćanja vrijednosti, i to prema sedamnaest, od ponuđenih devetnaest vrijednosti. Nadalje, u oba je istraživanja utvrđeno da varijable socioobrazovnog statusa znatno distingviraju ispitanike s obzirom na njihove stavove. Učenici s boljim uspjehom u školi, polaznici gimnazija i oni s višim obrazovnim aspiracijama i podrijetlom imaju pozitivniji odnos prema demokratskim vrijednostima. Velike su razlike utvrđene s obzirom na stupanj prihvaćanja vrijednosti između učenika, roditelja i profesora. Općenito, najveće slaganje sa svim ponuđenim vrijednostima iskazuju profesori, a najmanje učenici. ; This article analyses the attitudes of high school students towards selected democratic values and the relation between attitudes and socio-demographic characteristics, and compares the attitudes of students, their parents and teachers. The data were obtained during 1993 and 1998 within projects "Genealogy and transfer of models of interculturalism" and "School curriculum and characteristics of Croatian national culture". The analysis of the results showed the significant changes in students' attitudes towards democratic values in 1998 in comparison with the previous study. The changes are revealed through statistically significant lower degree of acceptance of 17 out of 19 suggested values. Furthermore, both studies showed that the variables of socio-educational status distinguish the subjects significantly in regard to their attitudes. Students with higher educational achievement, those attending the academic high schools and those with higher educational aspirations have more positive attitude towards democratic values. The significant differences were also found in the degree of acceptance of those values among students, parents and teachers. Generally, teachers showed the highest acceptance of all suggested values, while students showed the lowest. ; In dieser Arbeit werden Einstellungen der Mittelschüler zu den ausgewählten demokratischen Werten sowie das Verhältnis zwischen den Einstellungen und sozio-demographischen Merkmalen der befragten Mittelschüler analysiert und mit den Einstellungen ihrer Eltern und Lehrer verglichen. Die benutzten Daten wurden 1993 und 1998 im Rahmen von Projekten "Genealogie und Transfer des Interkulturalismusmodells" bzw. "Schulkurrikulum und Merkmale der kroatischen Nationalkultur" erhoben. Die Analyse der Ergebnisse zeigte, dass 1998 im Vergleich zu den früheren Untersuchungen zu bedeutenden Änderungen in den Einstellungen der Mittelschüler zu den demokratischen Werten gekommen ist. Diese Änderungen äußern sich in dem statistisch bedeutend geringeren Akzeptieren der vorgeschlagenen Werte, und zwar bei den siebzehn von neunzehn angeführten Werten. Weiterhin wurde in den beiden Untersuchungen festgestellt, dass sich die Befragten durch Variabeln ihrer sozialen Merkmale und ihrer Schulausbildung im Hinblick auf ihre Einstellungen gravierend unterscheiden. Schüler mit besseren Schulleistungen, Gymnasiasten sowie jene mit höheren Bildungsaspirationen und Herkunft haben eine positivere Stellung zu den demokratischen Werten. Bedeutende Abweichungen ergeben sich auch hinsichtlich der Akzeptanz der genannten Werte unter den Schülern, deren Eltern und Lehrern. Insgesamt finden die angebotenen Werte die höchste Zustimmung unter den befragten Lehrern, und die kleinste unter den Schülern.

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

Prijetnja koja dotiče sadašnju Srednju Europu vezana je uz dvije skupine uzroka. Kao prvo, s politikom Rusije koja traži novo mjesto za sebe na globalnoj razini. Kao drugo, s krizom unutar same Unije, koja se većinom tiče zemalja Srednje Europe kao najmlađeg njezinog člana i onoga koji nosi postkomunistički teret. Geostrateški, ideološki i kulturološki aspekti povezani s prethodno spomenutim kompleksima prijetnje bit će predmet izlaganja na konferenciji. ; The threat that Central Europe faces nowadays is connected with two sets of causes. The first cause is Russian politics that attempts to establish a new position on a global level. And the second is the crisis within the Union, which has mainly affected Central European countries, their youngest members that still bear the post-communist burden. The paper focuses on geostrategic, ideological and cultural aspects regarding the abovementioned complex threat.

Tema članka je važnost regionalne suradnje za ostvarivanje prava disperziranih etničkih manjina koje žive u različitim zemljama. Autorica posebno ističe specifičnost položaja Roma u kontekstu suvremenih europskih politika zaštite manjinskih prava. Međunarodni dokumenti, naglašava autorica, po prvi put u povijesti osiguravaju institucionalnu podršku očuvanju etničkog identiteta Roma u Europi. Europska povelja o regionalnim ili manjinskim jezicima pruža zaštitu i neteritorijalnim jezicima, što uključuje i romski jezik. U drugoj polovici dvadesetog stoljeća, na području Zapadnog Balkana, pokrenute su inicijative za očuvanje i razvoj romskog jezika i identiteta. Romi iz bivše Jugoslavije, u sklopu te inicijative, pokrenuli su projekt standardizacije romskog jezika. Ta je inicijativa u praksi bitno utjecala na položaj i uporabu romskog jezika u Sloveniji. ; The article topic is regional cooperation in light of its special importance for the rights of dispersed ethnic minorities living in different countries. In this context the situation of Roma stands out as a specific issue in the context of modern European minority protection. International documents for the first time in history provide institutional support for the preservation of ethnic identity of the Roma in Europe. The European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages expands its protection also to the protection of non-territorial languages, including the Roma language. In the second half of the last century, in the geographical area of the Western Balkans some initiatives for the preservation and development of the Romani language and identity started. Following these initiatives, representatives of Roma from the former Yugoslavia started a project for standardization of the Roma language. Practice has shown that this process significantly influenced the situation and the use of the Romani language in Slovenia.

Ovaj se rad bavi stvarnim mogućnostima koje stoje na raspolaganju Bosni i Hercegovini u ostvarenju strateškoga cilja koje je sebi zadalo bosanskohercegovačko društvo, a to je članstvo u Europskoj uniji. Kako svaka država u vanjskim odnosima može računati na tri vrste moći (vojna, ekonomska i meka moć), ovdje se pošlo od pretpostavke da ta država nema značajne vojne i ekonomske potencijale, ali i to kako se među tri izvora meke moći (vanjska politika, unutarnje političke vrijednosti i kultura) Bosna i Hercegovina za sada može uspješno koristiti samo kulturom. Stoga se, u usporedbi s dosegnutom razinom uspješnosti primjene kulture u vanjskim odnosima EU-a, došlo do zaključka da je kreiranje i primjena jedinstvene kulturno-diplomatske strategije Bosne i Hercegovine poželjan način pozitivnoga pozicioniranja te države na političkoj i društvenoj karti Europe. ; This paper deals with realistic opportunities available to Bosnia and Herzegovina in achieving the strategic goal set by Bosnian-Herzegovinian society, which is membership in the European Union. Since every country in its external relations can count on three types of power (military, economic, and soft power), we have assumed that the country in question has no significant military and economic potentials, but, also—among the three soft power sources (foreign policy, internal political values and culture)—Bosnia and Herzegovina can successfully use only culture for the time being. Therefore, the intention of this paper is to show that the creation and implementation of a unified cultural-diplomatic strategy is a desirable way of positive positioning of Bosnia and Herzegovina on the political and social map of Europe.

U tekstu se, temeljem fotografija od kojih se neke objavljuju prvi put, rekonstruira izvorni izgled secesijske zgrade Hrvatskog doma u Splitu kao zrelog arhitektonskog djela Kamila Tončića. Donosi se i kronološki pregled uloge Hrvatskog doma u društvenoj povijesti grada Splita koji pridonosi spomeničkoj vrijednosti zgrade. ; The idea of building a "Croatian House", in which the Split culture, art and sporting associations connected to National Party would be located Narodna čitaonica (People's Reading Room), Slavjanski napredak (Slav Progress), Narodna glazba (National Music), the Volunteer Fire-Fighters, Muzikalno društvo "Zvonimir" (the Zvonimir Musical Association) and Hrvatski sokol (the Croatian Hawk – sporting association) came upon the scene in 1896. At the turn of the century artists who elevated the cultural and artistic life of Split and took it out of the provincial context, placing it shoulder to shoulder with European contemporaries, came together in the National party circles. The design of the building made in the spirit of Art Nouveau architecture by Kamilo Tončić in 1906 was bold and avant-garde for a centre in which up to then Historicist or revival architecture had prevailed; in consequence it aroused diverse public reactions. But the Croatian House was nevertheless built according to the Tončić design, and opened in 1908. It had an important role in the musical life of Split as a gathering place for musicians, as a stage and concert venue, all the way up to World War I. The most important event in the first year of the existence of the Croatian House was the organisation of the First Dalmatian Art Exhibition at which the foundation of the Medulić Croatian Art Association was mooted, and the idea for founding the Gallery of Fine Art was also put forward. In the changed political circumstances after World War I, the House lost its pre-war role as an essential factor in the creation of the musical and artistic life of the city. When the Sokol association of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was formed in 1929, all activities in the Sokol House unfolded under the aegis of Sokol (Hawk), for it was a state organisation; the art and cultural events did not rise above the average amateur level. The most important event in the working of the amateur sections of Sokol was the foundation of the puppet theatre in 1933, on the foundations of which the Marionette Theatre still in operation today was built in 1945. After WWII, the onetime Croatian and later Sokol House was renamed Youth House, while along with the Split City Puppet Theatre, various sporting organisations were assigned the premises of the House. The house was remodelled and extended in 1930 and 1939, and thoroughly remodelled in 1942, when all the decorations on the facade and in the interior of the grand hall were destroyed in order to bring out the monumental aspects of the house in the spirit of fascist architecture. The concept of the building is a simple T-shaped ground floor. In the northern part of the site there is a narrow four-storey building with an attic along the long side placed parallel to the street in which the premises of the societies were located, while at the end of the plot, perpendicularly to it, is a two-storey building with a grand hall on the upstairs. With logical grouping of features and a functional arrangement, the spatial constraints of the plot were made use of to the best extent and complemented with an extensive programme that was supposed to meet the needs of the associations so that all of them should have their own individual quarters while making use in common of the grand hall meant for municipal events, joint events and Sokol members' athletic exercises. Although the principal facade is symmetrical with the main entrance in the middle, the courtyard part of the house with the hall is not built on its vertical axis, but shifted to the west. At the joint of the street and courtyard part of the house there are the grand stairs. The non-formalist asymmetrical disposition of volumes between the courtyard wing of the Croatian House and the neighbouring house left room for a large exercise space outdoors. Only a photograph of the drawing of the main facade remains of the design of the Croatian House. By rectification of the historical photographs, the drawing of the built facade was reconstructed, and a comparison of the project and the original appearance of the original facade shows that the design really was built, in basic idea and composition, and that alterations were made only to some of the decorative features. The lobby of the auxiliary eastern entrance and the threeflight stone staircase are kept in original form. The rectification of the previously unknown photographs of the interior of the hall has allowed the reconstruction of the original volume, position and repertoire of decoration. The space of the hall that we know of today in denuded form consists of two parts: the grand hall with the stage and the backstage areas. Abstract, linear and almost flat details, floral motifs, female heads with flowers and leaves in their hair and masks – common in the Art Nouveau idiom – were applied in the iconographic programme. In the choice of construction material and the manner of construction Tončić opted for the classic solid masonry construction of roughly worked stone blocks in lime mortar, smoothly rendered. The between-floor constructions were of wood, as was that of the gable roof. The flights of stairs with stone steps were leaned on iron I-section girders clad in rendered moulding. The pilasters alongside the central entrance, the pillars on the facade with an emphasised cornice and the attic are made of concrete, but they are only decorative and not structural elements of the building. The building of the Croatian House was adapted to the possibilities (i.e. the constraints) of the site and the function, that is, the needs of its users, in the allocation of the fundamental volumes and in the organisation of space. The interior decoration was also adjusted to the contents (the modestly decorated staircase area as against the luxuriant decoration of the grand hall), and a clearly, symmetrically and gracefully designed facade enhanced with Art Nouveau decorations and the characteristic Tončić details reveal its almost classical composition. The representative Art Nouveau building of the Croatian House, designed in the spirit of the Wagner school and its earlier works, is the original work of a mature architect in whom along with an echo of the classicist tradition the architecture of the modern age can also be sensed. But it is not just its Art Nouveau idiom that imparts a particular heritage value to the Croatian House, but also the events and personalities linked with it, whose importance in the history of the city of Split and Croatian art surmounts that of the building itself.

Nach sieben Jahrzehnten Sowjetunion sind die Russen in vielen ihrer Essgewohnheiten wieder zu den Traditionen der vorrevolutionären Zeit zurückgekehrt. Die Esskultur, die private wie die der Restaurants, hat wieder einen hohen Stellenwert, Kochbücher und Ratgeber in Fernsehen und Internet haben Konjunktur. Die wissenschaftliche Erforschung dieser Sparte der Kultur hält mit dieser Entwicklung nicht Schritt. Im Frühjahr 2010 fand an der Universität Potsdam die erste internationale und interdisziplinäre Tagung zum Thema "Russische Küche und kulturelle Identität" statt. Der vorliegende Sammelband enthält viele der dort vorgestellten Beiträge in Aufsatzform. Es sind kultur- und literaturwissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zu Essen und Trinken in Russland. Untersucht werden nicht nur die Bedeutung einzelner Speisen und Zubereitungsarten und die Mahlzeit als soziales Geschehen, sondern auch der Verzicht auf Nahrung, sei es freiwillig als Fasten, sei es erzwungen als Hunger. Eine andere Gruppe von Beiträgen geht der Rolle des Essens als literarischem Motiv nach, eine weitere bildlichen Darstellungen. Auch das Trinken wird bedacht. In der Kultur durchweg klar kodiert, eignen sich Essen und Trinken ganz besonders als literarische Zeichen, die in den Werken unterschiedlichste Funktionen übernehmen können. Als Ganzes eröffnen die Beiträge erste Durchblicke in ein großes und bislang oft vernachlässigtes Forschungsgebiet.

Do sada slabo poznate kasnogotičke drvene skulpture s otoka Cresa prikazuju muškog sveca na prijestolju u gesti blagoslova. Creska grupa srodna je poznatim istarskim i kvarnerskim, ali i dalmatinskim te venecijanskim primjerima skulptura s prikazom iste teme. Zbog brojnosti evidentiranih primjera, tema sveca na prijestolju čini se izrazito popularna pa se analizira funkcija prikaza i naglašava da većina tih skulptura prikazuje titulare crkava. Temeljem pojedinih arhivskih podataka, analize kompozicije i usporedbe sa cjelovito očuvanim poliptisima ustanovljuje se da je skulptura sveca na prijestolju uglavnom bila postavljena kao centralni motiv oltarnog retabla. Pretpostavljen je veći broj lokalnih majstora koji izrađuju takve skulpture pod različitim stupnjem utjecaja venecijanske umjetnosti. ; La scultura di legno tardo gotica dell' isola di Cherso, fin adesso poco conosciuta, presenta un santo sul trono in atto di benedizione. Le tre sculture dei santi sul trono, sia in grandezza naturale sia in soprannaturale, sono simili nella modellatura; la scultura del patrono della città di Cherso Sant' Isidoro, dalla chiesa di Sant' Isidoro a Cherso, la scultura del vescovo di Ossero, il patrono di tutta la diocesi di Krk San Gaudenzio dalla cappella di San Gaudenzio e la scultura di San Nicola a Martinšćica dall' omonima cappella. Queste sculture dei santi vescovi appartenevano alla produzione seriale e si distinguevano solo dagli attributi. Le caratteristiche rustiche contiene anche la scultura di Sant'Antonio, l'abate di Cherso, originalmente situata nella cappella di Sant' Antonio a Cherso. Le sculture menzionate fanno parte d'un gruppo di sculture di legno tardo gotiche, dei santi seduti, che sono numerose in tutta l'Istria e il Quarnaro. La maggior parte delle sculture sia d'Istria sia di Cherso, rappresentano i titolari delle chiese e delle cappelle. In tutte le sculture la funzione del patrone viene espressa nella posizione seduta della scultura siccome il trono simboleggia la saggezza più elavata. I santi si presentano con la barba, il segno iconografico del patriarco o del profeta che anche suggerisce il potere e la saggezza. L'altra caratteristica importante e costante nella rappresentazione sono gli attributi vescovili dei santi. La morfologia del tema, il vescovo sulla cattedra, si sceglie anche per gli altri santi patroni come per esempio Sant' Antonio, l'abate che come titolare si presenta con la mitra che simboleggia il privileggio e la pastorale e che determina la dignità e il servizio pastorale per i credenti. I dati archivistici degli scultori di Cherso fin adesso non sono stati ritrovati. Ciò nonostante l'ambiente, riconosciuto come la sede dell'officina di tagliapietre molto attiva alla fine del 400 e all'inizio di 500, doveva avere anche le officine d'incisione che soddisfacevano l'esigenza della fornitura degli altari per molti edifici sacrali sull'isola. Le sculture di San Biaggio e San Girolamo dal museo di Cherso, originalmente dalla cappella di San Biaggio sono le opere d' incisione d' una qualitá più alta. La modellatura preziosa ed armoniosa e l'abilità del mastro nella cura dei dettagli della faccia con il rilievo accentato delle caratteristiche di ritratto ce lo confermano. La figura centrale di San Biaggio, suggerisce l'essistenza d'un altra figura laterale a destra ed è possibile pressuppore una composizione dell'altare originaria più complessa e più monumentale. Il santo seduto nell'atto di benedizione è molto spesso la figura centrale sui polittici dipinti di Antonio e Bartolomeo Vivarini. La tipologia dei santi di questa officina si riconosce anche nella scultura centrale di San Antonio dal polittico di Rab. Si trova nella nicchia centrale del trittico ed è uguale alla scultura di San Antonio di Castua (Kastav) che V. Ekl attribuisce al mastro friuliano Domenico di Tolmezzo. La scultura di San Isidoro di Cherso era anche la figura centrale della pala d'altare come troviamo nei documenti ed analogicamente possiamo supporre che anche le altre sculture menzionate qui abbiano la posizione centrale sulla pala d'altare. Gli altri esempi, come la scultura dal museo di Cherso, invece ci testimoniano l' imitazione delle intere pale d'altare con delle figure. L'opera più apprezzata all'interno del gruppo delle sculture di Cherso con la rappresentazione del santo sul trono è la scultura di San Nicola di Lubenica. La tipologia del vecchieto aschetico con la barba riccia e corta è simile alle figure severe dei santi di Antonio e Bartolomeo Vivarini. Il corpo della scultura è modellato secondo la tradizione greca e si suppone che la non corrispondenza sia il risultato dell'ulteriore modellazione di alcune parti del corpo. Nonostante la non corrispondenza, la scultura di Lubenica poteva essere il modello ai mastri locali che all'inizio del 500 facevano gli altari a Cres, a Osor e a Martinšćica usando gli esempi dalla propria zona ma copiandone solo le forme principali. Le sculture dal museo di Cherso risalgono alla seconda metà del 400 e non fano parte dell'officina sopra citata per quanto riguarda il loro stile prezioso. L'esempio isolato è anche san Antonio di Cherso il cui mastro mostra le caratteristiche naif e la sua non abilità. La caratteristica principale e ben nota della fornitura degli altari nell' Adriatico settentrionale fino alla metà del 500 è il polittico intagliato con le sculture di legno invece di polittico disegnato. Il santo, il prottetore, il titolare oppure il patrone della città sono i motivi logici della figura centrale degli altari in periodo in cui dominava la coscienza civile ma anche una situazione politica malsicura specialmente quando parliamo di cappelle sotto il patronato civile delle famiglie patrizie o delle congregazioni. Alle richieste di tale rappresentazione rispondono le officine d'arte e i mastri locali ripettendo le premesse assegnate del tema ma variando nella qualità dell'effettuazione.

The paper presents the results of research exploring the relationship between democratic school leadership and democratic school culture in primary schools. The research is based on the present knowledge that points to the significant role of principals in the process of developing and changing school culture (Fullan, 2005). The aim of the research was to determine the extent of primary teachers' perception regarding the level of development of selected characteristics of democratic school leadership and its connection to their estimate of the level of development of selected characteristics of democratic school culture. The research comprised 651 teachers from the City of Zagreb and Zagreb County. The research was conducted by means of a survey using a questionnaire containing two instruments: the Instrument for the measurement of characteristics of democratic school leadership (designed for the research) and the Instrument for the measurement of characteristics of democratic school culture (adopted from Spajić-Vrkaš, 2016). According to the teachers' perception, principals in the City of Zagreb and Zagreb County implement characteristics of democratic school leadership to a significant degree. They perceive the level of characteristics of democratic school culture as moderate. In addition, the research has determined a statistically significant high positive correlation between characteristics of democratic school leadership and democratic school culture. ; U radu je prikazano istraživanje u kojem je provjeren odnos između demokratskoga školskog vođenja i demokratske školske kulture u osnovnim školama. Istraživanje se temelji na dosadašnjim spoznajama koje upućuju na značajnu ulogu ravnatelja u razvoju i mijenjanju školske kulture (Fullan, 2005). Svrha je istraživanja utvrditi je li i u kojoj mjeri procjena učitelja osnovnih škola o stupnju razvij enosti odabranih obilježja demokratskoga školskog vođenja povezana s njihovom procjenom stupnja razvijenosti odabranih obilježja demokratske školske kulture. U istraživanju je sudjelovao 651 učitelj iz grada Zagreba i Zagrebačke županije. Istraživanje je provedeno anketnim ispitivanjem u kojem je korišten upitnik koji je sadržavao Instrument za mjerenje obilježja demokratskoga školskog vođenja (izrađen za potrebe istraživanja) i Instrument za mjerenje obilježja demokratske školske kulture (preuzet od Spajić-Vrkaš, 2016.). Prema percepciji učitelja ravnatelji u Gradu Zagrebu i Zagrebačkoj županiji u značajnoj mjeri implementiraju obilježja demokratskoga školskog vođenja te percipiraju da u školama postoji osrednja razina prisutnosti obilježja demokratske školske kulture. Nadalje, istraživanjem je utvrđena statistički značajna visoka pozitivna povezanost između obilježja demokratskoga školskog vođenja i demokratske školske kulture.

Analizirajući povijesnu građu i arheološka istraživanja, autorica prati gradnju gotičkog kaštela Kamerlengo u Trogiru, uz nove elemente o popravcima i dogradnji južne strane gradskih zidina. Prvi put donosi nacrte kaštela iz 1829. godine koji su pohranjeni u Državnom arhivu u Beču. ; The citadel in Trogir was built according to a plan by the new Venetian government at the beginning of the 15th century as a detached fort on the periphery of the fortified town. In the earliest documents relation to the planning of the Trogir castle and the preparations for the building there is mention of a fortilicio or arx. It was only several centuries later that the name of Kamerlengo, taken from the title of respected officials [chamberlain] of the Venetian Republic, became common. In documents of the late 18th century it is stated that the castellan and camerlengo had a dwelling in the northern set of houses within the citadel, today no longer in existence, which suggests that the name of the office became, over the course of time, a synonym for the Trogir town castle. Trogir 17th century historians Ivan Lucić and Pavao Andreis collected invaluable historical sources and evidence concerning the past of the city, particularly concerning the siege by the Venetian fleet. Documents provide precise instructions for the construction of the citadel founded on strategic analyses of the ground, access from land and sea and of directions from which attacks would be naturally frustrated. The Trogir naval siege, accompanied by bombardment of the city, was executed according to the decision of Doge Tommaso Mocenigo (1414-1423). As early as the 14th century there had been an attempt by Venice to master Trogir, that small but important Dalmatian commune. The conflict between the Genovese and the Venetians broke out in a sea battle off Trogir in 1378, for Genovese galleys commanded by Luciano Doria had taken cover there. Under the command of Admiral Vettore Pisani, the Venetian fleet bombarded the city from the sea and from positions on Čiovo island, with an attempt to make a seaborne descent on he mainland. However, the plan did not bear fruit, and neither did a renewed attempt by Venice to take Trogir in the following year. After the victory over the Turkish fleet at Gallipoli, on the bridgehead between Europe and Asia Minor in 1416, the Venetians soon gained control of cities on the entrance into the Adriatic. A second strategic point, in the northwest, consisted of Aquileia and the whole of the province of Friuli, which fell in 1419-1420. When Venetian government in Zadar had been consolidated, interventions in the commune centres in central Dalmatia were the next part of the Mocenigo programme to conquer the whole of the Adriatic basin. At Gallipoli, Pietro Loredan had made his name as commander of the fleet, and led it during the attack on Trogir during May and June 1420. The 14th century city walls with the towers at the rim, the monastery of St Nicholas, the cathedral and bell tower, the council chamber, city loggia and numerous palaces were seriously damaged. One of the first tasks in the organisation of the life in the city was the repair of the damaged walls and towers and the construction of the citadel, which was able to function as a separate fort. Immediately after Verona acknowledged Venetian rule in 1408, an office called provisores ad fortilicia was set up, part of the programme of which was to check out the condition of the defensive system in other conquered provinces as well. The Republic sent Picino its tried and tested fortification expert, who had achieved prominence in the construction of the Lido fort, which was in fact the bulwark of Venice, and from 1413 to 1428 was posted to Verona, where he ran the renovation of the citadel. In the edicts of 1422 and 1424, mention is made, in connection with the fortification of Verona, of magistri Picini ingenarii nostri and prothoingenarius ducalis dominii Venetorum. Working with him were masters Stefano and Giovanni of Cremona. On the orders of the doge, he occasionally arrived in Dalmatia as well; the sources refer to him in 1414 in Zadar and Šibenik as magistrum Pizinum, but his personal name is not given. In 1409, the Venetian government in Zadar built a fort at the south east of the city called Citadella. Not long after that the trecento city castle on the north east of the peninsula was reinforced after a detailed plan by Engineer Picino of 1414. It had a square ground plan with a polygonal corner tower facing onto the city, a barbican with a fortified belt of walls around the castle, which was accompanied by a wide defensive fosse. At the very beginning of August 1425 the doge constituted a commission the task of which was to make a decision about the best place for the construction of a citadel in Trogir. Magister Picino made use of the defensive mode adopted in the Zadar castle, where the site chosen was peripheral with respect to the existing structure of the town and adapted it to the position of Trogir port, the navigation channels and the shallows of the marine channel. Detailed instructions about the handling of the walls and towers in situ were given by Captain General of Adriatic Pietro Loredan, specifying which parts were to be demolished, which strengthened. At the beginning of September Trogir rector Detrico signed a contract with the stone carver Marin Radojev for the working of stone for the foundations of the citadel. With three stonecutters, Marin guaranteed to collect stone in the quarry and work the face of the ashlars, and bring them by ship to Trogir, to the site of the construction of the future citadel. The contract made it clear that what had to be built was a tower with 15-foot wide towers, making use in the fill and the outer face of the walls high quality mortar, as befitted the reputation of a good craftsman. A small chapel dedicated to St Mark, patron saint of the Most Serene Republic, was put up in the courtyard of Kamerlengo. Below the monumental relief of a lion was the coat of arms of the Tron family in a quatrefoil. Luca Tron had distinguished himself as the captain of a Venetian galley in the surrender of Korčula and the siege of Trogir, and was rewarded with the confidential office of city rector (1421-1424), the second in chronological order from the establishment of the new Venetian government. A Gothic relief of a lion with the initials DC and the coat of arms of the Contarini family was done after the capture of Trogir in the 15th century and placed in the chapel in memory of Doge Domenico Contarini I (1043-1071), who is mentioned in Venetian annals in the context of the taking of Zadar in the middle of the 12th century. The works on the construction of the castle went on slowly for the commune was not able to summon up funds enough from its own revenues and constantly repeated requests for aid. During a second visit to Trogir in 1424 Admiral Loredan toured the city with the commanders of the galleys and informed Doge Francesco Foscari of all he had observed. At the time of rector Jacopo Zorzi (1424-1426) work was continued on the construction of the citadel and the barbican was reinforced. The coats of arms of rector Jacopo Barbarigo (1426-1429) were incorporated into both towers on the eastern side of the citadel; as trophy heraldry, they must be considered indications of the time of the completion of the work on this part of the fort. An inscription mentioning some big works of 1425 during the time of Rector Jacopo Zorzi is built in over the eastern part of the portico of the cloister of the Dominican monastery. It needs connecting with the long stay of Pietro Loredan in Dalmatia; together with rector Zorzi and the galley commanders, he issued detailed instructions for the renovation of the Trogir walls and towers that had been damaged in the bombardment. A slab that records the rapidly completed works was probably incorporated into the curtain of the new wall in front of the monastery, and Loredan's coat of arms was built into the corner of the wall close to the gate of St Roch. In 1432 the city received aid from the Republic for continuation of works on the city walls, and in an edict of July 26, 1436, a decision to complete the citadel and renovate the city walls at places threatened with collapse was taken. Rector of Trogir Marco Zen (1435-1436) entered into contracts with the Zadar craftsmen Matej Radovanov and Šimun Bilšić about the construction of a vault over the cistern in the castello and of a new wall on the north and the east in the fosse. Detailed drawings of the city castello in watercolour are kept in Vienna (Kartensammlung des Kriegsarchives) and were done during the time of the Austrian government of 1829, when the moat was already filled up with building material from the demolished walls. A large tower in all floor plan levels and with cross sections and indications of dimensions is shown separately. At that time, throughout Europe, the defensive character of city walls lost their importance; the opening up of wide roads and promenades was encouraged; on the platforms of the bastions and along the onetime fortifications stretched parks and gardens. The ruinous state of the walls was an additional encouragement to the authorities to remove them, and Kamerlengo Castle, which had been registered in the exchequer, was in 1848 added to the demolition list. But unlike the citadel in Split and Zadar, which were partially demolished or integrated into later construction, the Trogir castle kept the original planimetry and volume. Although of modest dimensions, this fort acquired a symbolic level in the image of the city, dominating the city port like a lighthouse for all the navigational routes.

U članku se objavljuje nalaz capsellae reliquiarum iz oltara crkve sv. Kuzme i Damjana u Kaštel Gomilici. Potvrđuje se Farlatijev navod o posveti crkve (podignute nad ostacima ranokršćanske bazilike) koju je izvršio splitski nadbiskup Abšalon 1160. godine. Autor razmatra pitanje njenih titulara iznoseći pretpostavku da je izbor moći pohranjenih u relikvijaru bio svojevrsni politički ulog rečenog nadbiskupa (ugarskog podrijetla) osobito radi činjenice da su u capselli i moći ugarskog sv. Stjepana Kralja, a da su Marija, te sv. Kuzma i Damjan suzaštitnici splitske katedrale. U članku se analiziraju tipološke odlike gomiličkog oltara u odnosu na poziciju sepulchruma, pa ga se uspoređuje s istovremenim u regiji. Autor izvodi široki ekskurs o pojavi kulta sv. Kuzme i Damjana u Splitu, i na teme "svetačke topografije" unutar Dioklecijanove palače na razmeđu kasne antike i ranog srednjeg vijeka. Kaštelanska crkvica, posvećena relikvijama iz splitske katedrale, interpretira se kao svojevrsni relei gradske političke moći u ageru. ; U članku se objavljuje nalaz capsellae reliquiarum iz oltara crkve sv. Kuzme i Damjana u Kaštel Gomilici. Potvrđuje se Farlatijev navod o posveti crkve (podignute nad ostacima ranokršćanske bazilike) koju je izvršio splitski nadbiskup Abšalon 1160. godine. Autor razmatra pitanje njenih titulara iznoseći pretpostavku da je izbor moći pohranjenih u relikvijaru bio svojevrsni politički ulog rečenog nadbiskupa (ugarskog podrijetla) osobito radi činjenice da su u capselli i moći ugarskog sv. Stjepana Kralja, a da su Marija, te sv. Kuzma i Damjan suzaštitnici splitske katedrale. U članku se analiziraju tipološke odlike gomiličkog oltara u odnosu na poziciju sepulchruma, pa ga se uspoređuje s istovremenim u regiji. Autor izvodi široki ekskurs o pojavi kulta sv. Kuzme i Damjana u Splitu, i na teme •svetačke topografije• unutar Dioklecijanove palače na razmeđu kasne antike i ranog srednjeg vijeka. Kaštelanska crkvica, posvećena relikvijama iz splitske katedrale, interpretira se kao svojevrsni relei gradske političke moći u ageru. Recentemente in una piccola cripta sullo stipite dell'altare della chiesa romanica dei Santi Cosma e Damiano a Kaštel Gomilica è stata scoperta una cassettina di piombo (7 x 4 x 3 cm), del cui contenuto e scopo parla l'iscrizione finemente intagliata, in caratteri carolini minuscoli del XII secolo: HIC SVNT RELIQUIIE SCE MARIE VIRIGINIS SCCS MA/RTIRV COSME l ET DAMIANI l ET SCI STEFA/NI REGIS Il ritrovamento è confermato da una fonte di Farlati che riferisce come la chiesa di S. Cosma e Damiano fosse stata consacrata dall'arcivescovo spalatino Absalon nell'anno 1160, e come la sua costruzione fosse stata iniziata dalle monache del convento di S. Benedetto con il permesso del loro predecessore Gaudio (1138-1158). La chiesetta stessa fu innalzata sui resti di una basilica tardoantica, ma gli scavi archeologici hanno dimostrato che nella vita di questa località vi è una chiara discontinuità. Sarà per questo probabile che vi sia stata una ripresa in epoca romanica. Rimane, dunque, inspiegato se già la basilica paleocristiana di Gomilica fosse intitolata ai santi Cosma e Damiano. Considerato che l'articolo mette in luce come le reliquie custodite nella capsella appena scoperta, fossero state prescelte in base ad un certo programma chiave dell'arcivescovo Absalon (è fondamentale l'indicazione: reliquie di santo Stefano Re), l'autore illustra innanzitutto la tradizione del culto di S. Cosma e Damiano all'interno del palazzo di Diocleziano a Spalato. Cvito Fisković ha tormulato di recente l'attraente ipotesi che il culto di S. Cosma e Damiano potesse essere una particolare derivazione - traduzione del culto di Esculapio nel palazzo tardoantico dell'imperatore Diocleziano, che dedicò a tale divinità, secondo la testimonianza di Torna Arcidiacono, il tempietto che sorgeva di fronte al suo mausoleo. Sullo sviluppo del culto cristiano nel Palazzo, oggi si può veramente dire qualcosa di più. L'autore avanza l'ipotesi che le chiesette di S. Teodoro e S. Martino risalgano al tardoantico. Entrambi i titolari hanno carattere specificamente militare. A Spalato il primo è collegato alla guardia bizantina che difendeva la Porta Ferrea del palazzo di Diocleziano. Il secondo, S. Martino - protettore dei soldati, dei sarti e dei tessitori - la chiesetta del quale a Spalato si trova sopra la Porta Aurea, potrebbe essere collegato all'esistenza documentata (proprio nella parte settentrionale del Palazzo) di una bottega per la produzione di tessuti di cui si ricorda il Procurator gynaecii Jovensis Dalmatiae Asphalatho. I gynaecarii erano per lo più condannati - con status di lavoratori. Generalmente parlando, soldati, lapicidi, porporai, tessitori - gli abitanti del Palazzo nei suoi primi secoli - erano il ceto ideale per accogliere il mistero cristiano. L'autore, dunque, pensa che a Spalato come altrove i gynaecarii erano riuniti in una corporazione di cui S. Martino poteva essere il protettore più conveniente. Oltre che dalla diffusione generale del culto di entrambi i santi ricordati in epoca tardoantica, l'ipotesi è convalidata da una notevole concentrazione di spolia paleocristiani presso entrambe le chiesette. L'autore in questo excursus va ancora oltre. Nella letteratura è stato più volte citato il bizzarro racconto di Amiano Marcellino, su come nell'anno 356 una donna denunciasse suo marito Danus e su come fosse stato condannato a morte, per delitto di Jaesa maiestatis avendo rubato la tenda rossa dal sarcofago dell'imperatore nel suo mausoleo. La storia è utilizzata solitamente per provare che Diocleziano fece costruire il tempio ottagonale, che più tardi sarebbe diventato la cattedrale di Spalato, come suo sepolcro e che vi era effettivamente stato seppellito. Non è mai stata, stranamente, posta la questione del motivo per cui Danus rubo il drappo cremisi dalla tomba di Diocleziano, pur essendo evidente che non poteva trattarsi di un furto motivato da interessi venali con la stoffa imperiale color cremisi, non si potevano cucire abiti da portare in pubblico. Si tratto molto probabilmente di un cosciente atto di profanazione, di un intervento di vendetta cristiana sul sarcofago dell'imperatore che per le sue posizioni contrarie al cristianesimo sarebbe rimasto profondamente impresso nella memoria dei secoli successivi come il più efferato persecutore dei cristiani. Lo scritto di Marcellino potrebbe essere proprio la significativa dimostrazione dell'inizio del regolamento dei conti del cristianesimo con le reliquie del paganesimo all'interno del Palazzo. L'autore, continuando, richiama l'attenzione sul fatto che il piccolo concilium sanctorum dei protettori di Spalato con Maria alla testa (la cattedrale è intitolata alla Assunzione di Maria) era costituito da due coppie: accanto a S. Domnio e Anastasio, S. Cosma e Damiano. Nelle analisi delle origini e delle funzioni,:P.ei culti dei santi nell'eta tardoantica è stato fatto notare come molte communità paleocristiane sottolineavano volentieri il fatto di avere nef loro centri più santi, e di scegliere spesso come protettori coppie di santi (Gervasio e Protasio a Milano, Pietro e Paolo a Roma, Felice e Fortunato ad Aquileia . . ). Peter Brown fa rilevare come tale scelta fosse cosciente: "la festività di due santi era la celebrazione della concordia all'interno di una città in potenza profondamente disunita ." L'autore ha trovato un'interessante suggerimento per tale interpretazione nell'analisi del rapporto insolitamente complesso tra S. Grisogono e S. Anastasia a Zara. Nella ricchissima scelta di reliquie che gli poterono essere offerte al principio del IX secolo, quando giunse a Costantinopoli come mediatore tra Carlo Magno e l'imperatore Nicoforo, il vescovo di Zara Donato, scelse certamente con molta attenzione le reliquie di S. Anastasia, in quanto il" suo pari", tutto considerato, doveva già trovarsi a Zara. L'autore ritienne che Donato non ebbe in mente tanto l'unione dopo la morte di Grisogono e Anastasia, quanto una specie di neutralizzazione dell'influenza "ideologica" che avevano in città le reliquie di S. Grisogono, giunte da Aquileia. In verità, le reliquie del santo scomparvero e più tardi furono nuovamente scoperte con un singolare miracolo. Ma qui siamo già di fronte ad un classico topos agiografico - il nuovo ritrovamento del corpo di un santo. Tutto questo excursus serve all'autore per formulare le seguenti osservazioni: se i santi Cosmia e Damiano, come titolari della chiesetta di Gomilica, sono eventualmente anche più antichi della sua consacrazione nel 1160, le reliquie nella capsella ritrovata sono sicuramen te, come le reliquie della Santa Vergine Maria, giunte dalla cattedrale di Spalato - al tempo dell'arcivescovo Absalon che arrivò a Spalato dall'Ungheria, e se ne allontanò con il riaffermarsi del potere bizantino sulla città. Le reliquie di S. Stefano, re d'Ungheria, si possono ritenere, con certezza, come parte del particolare ruolo politico affidato all'arcivescovo, uno dei tanti nella linea filo-ungherese che nel corso del XII secolo stette a capo della cattedrale spalatina. La costruzione della chiesetta a Kaštel Gomilica alla metà del XII secolo e lu sua consacrazione nel 1160, non si svolse, sicuramente, nel vuoto! Faceva parte della nuova politica integrale della chiesa, di un'epoca di consolidamento politico-sociale dei rapporti tra la città e lo spazio retrostante, il tempo che preparò il rinnovamento della maggior parte delle nostre cattedrali, e in cui il numero dei luoghi di culto cristiani nella campagna intorno alle città adriatiche aumentò di colpo. L'autore dà un breve guadro delle tappe più significative che dimostrano quanto il tour de force della città e delle sue chiese riuscì a penetrare nel territorio circostante. Esso fu ricoperto da una rete di chiesette nuove o rinnovate. Tramite la diffusione di particelle di santi trasportate in simili recipienti e cassettine in miniatura, si conquistavano e consacravano nuovi spazi. La chiesa negli spazi extra-urbani diventa un ripetitore del potere cittadino. L' "archeologia devozionale" rinnovava le relazioni con l'epoca eroica del primo cristianesimo. Il topos del ritrovamento e del rinnovamento di una delle località cristiane già consacrate, coincideva a suo modo con il topos del ritrovamento del santo protettore perso. Era questo indubbiamente anche il modo p iù breve di riconnotare uno spazio. Dopo l'interpretazione dell'iscrizione sulla capsella, l'autore, infine analizza le caratteristiche tipologiche dell'altare della chiesa di Kaštel Gomilica.