Analyse critique du concept subjectif de nation
In: Regionalismus in Europa: Beiträge über kulturelle und sozio-ökonomische Hintergründe des politischen Regionalismus, S. 56-71
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In: Regionalismus in Europa: Beiträge über kulturelle und sozio-ökonomische Hintergründe des politischen Regionalismus, S. 56-71
In: Welche Modernität?: Intellektuellendiskurse zwischen Deutschland und Frankreich im Spannungsfeld nationaler und europäischer Identitätsbilder, S. 195-216
In: Arbeiter und Bürger im 19. Jahrhundert: Varianten ihres Verhältnisses im europäischen Vergleich, S. 75-78
In: The problem of violence: local conflict settlement in contemporary Africa, S. 249-263
In: ArbeiterInnenbewegung und Rechtsextremismus, S. 219-236
In: Kulturen und Konflikte im Vergleich: Festschrift für Theodor Hanf, S. 70-80
In: Das Fremde in der Gesellschaft: Migration, Ethnizität und Staat, S. 393-410
In: The problem of violence: local conflict settlement in contemporary Africa, S. 329-351
In: Africa Yearbook. Vol. 17, Politics, economy and society South of the Sahara, S. 1-24
Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May 2019 in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term because the law does not apply retroactively. In February 2020, the President won again the disputed presidential elections and thus consolidated his power, assisted by the loyal army and security services. The outbreak of the Corona epidemic in Togo in March and the subsequent economic recession may have contributed to limit popular protest against the Gnassingbé regime. The human rights record of the government has improved, but remains poor. Yet, the international community followed a 'laissez faire' approach in the interests of regional stability. The economy dropped into recession due to the worldwide economic negative effects of the corona-crisis. The democracy index of the Economic Intelligence Unit, London, still rated Togo as an 'authoritarian regime'.
In: L'implicite dans les langues romanes: langue, texte et discours, S. 174-184
L'objectif de cette contribution est d'analyser à travers des exemples de programmes politiques de partis d'extrême d'droite d'Allemagne (Afd et NPD), de l'Autriche (FPÖ), de la Belgique (Vlaams Belang), du Danmark (Dans Folkeparti), de la France (FN), des Pays-Bas (PVV) et de la Suède (Sverigedemokraterna) des années 2010 à 2017, comment ces partis se servent de l'implicite dans leurs programmes politiques pour soutenir la stratégie de "normalisation" sans renoncer à leur noyau idéologique d'extrême droite qui est essentiel pour leur électorat traditionnel. Dans cette perspective, il importe aussi d'examiner quelles sont les valeurs et les messages subjacents transportés par l'implicite au service de leurs stratégies. Nous en analyserons deux types de stratégies: les stratégies centrées sur une analyse de la réalité définie par le présupposé et les stratégies centrées sur le sous-entendu. Il est montré comment ces stratégies contribuent à une resémantisation des concepts clés des sociétés démocratiques et sont à même de mettre en péril le consensus démocratique de nos sociétés.
In: Africa Yearbook. Vol. 16, Politics, economy and society South of the Sahara in 2019
Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2025) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grass-roots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'.
In: Africa Yearbook. Vol. 15, Politics, economy and society South of the Sahara in 2018, S. 179-188
Throughout the year the controversial legislative elections dominated the political landscape. Huge anti-government demonstrations that called in vain for political alternance. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party, however without the expected constitutional amendment majority. Therefore, the prime minister and his cabinet were replaced. The local elections, crucial for democratization at the grass-roots, but postponed time and again since 1987, were again postponed in December 2018 sine die. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e. g. roads, harbour) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. Unemployment and lacking political change caused increasing migration.
In: Political Discourses at the Extremes: Expressions of Populism in Romance Speaking Countries, S. 53-81
This article analyses the image of the three abrahamic religions in the recent political programs of the French Front National (2012 and 2017) in a comparative perspective with other successful populist radical right-wing parties in EU-Countries of continental Western and Northern Europe. It will be shown that even if there is a common tendency of representing Islam negatively and avoiding overt antisemitism, there are differences with regard to Judaism and/or Israel as well as to the weight of Christianity for the national and/or European culture, which have interesting parallels with the national discourse traditions and the particular radical right-wing history of these parties.