Administrative procedures, as well as public bodies that carry out these procedures, ought to perform functions related to the application of administrative law in a constantly changing social, economic, and political environment. This presents them with new challenges and expectations time and time again. According to the findings of the this study, the relation of transparency and administrative procedures – which could be described as a type of historically rooted but, at the same time, contemporary expectation towards public administration – fits in the above concept. The study attempts to interpret and define the concept of transparency on the basis of the terminology used by international organisations in the field of the examination of administrative procedures, and thus to highlight the issues, divergences and their causes.
A DEMOS projekt abból a feltételezésből indul ki, hogy a populizmus a demokratikus berendezkedések működése, illetve az állampolgárok törekvései, igényei és identitásai közötti törés tünete a politikai rendszereken belül. Ennél fogva a DEMOS a demokratikus hatékonyságot vizsgálja, mint a politikai elkötelezettség feltételét, amely szükséges a populizmus megragadásához és megvitatásához. A koncepció attitűd-vonásokat is magában foglal (mint politikai hatékonyság), illetve a politikai készségeket, tudást, és a demokratikus lehetőség-struktúrákat. A populizmus mélyebb megértéséhez a DEMOS eddig kevésbé kutatott területeket vizsgál mikro- mezo- és makroszinteken: a populizmus szocio-pszichológiai gyökereit, a társadalmi szereplők reakcióit, és a populizmus hatását a kormányzásra. A DEMOS nem csupán az államigazgatással foglalkozik, hanem az állampolgárok szempontjaival is: hogyan hat rájuk a populizmus, illetve hogyan reagálnak rá. A projekt középpontjában a politikailag alulreprezentált csoportok állnak, úgy mint fiatalok, nők és bevándorlók. Mivel a populizmusnak számos, társadalmilag beágyazott megjelenési formája van, a DEMOS arra törekszik, hogy összehasonlító elemzéseken keresztül vizsgálja meg a kontextusát, beleértve annak történelmi, kulturális és társadalmi-gazdasági gyökereit.
The aim of the study and the related presentation was to analyze the rules of the Hungarian and Polish administrative procedures in relation to the client status of (minority) NGOs, especially those belonging to the Polish nationality, in order to draw conclusions and make recommendations in the administrative proceedings to develop and promote the participation of non-governmental organizations. The presence of these organizations, especially in cases where there is a conflict of interest and / or the presence of a large number of clients, can make a major contribution to increasing the transparency of the regulatory process, achieving the actual objectives of the regulatory process and exercising adequate social control. A comparison of the experiences of Hungary and Poland is made possible by the accession to the supranational legal order of the European Union, which started at a similar time, and by the harmonization processes and similar legal and social conditions. The research related to the lecture was supported by the Wacław Felczak Foundation, with a scholarship called "Jagello".
Mass migration, as it appears in the 21st century, is one of the greatest challenges of our globalized world. The unanswered questions of European Union (EU) immigration policy that emerged over the past few decades have become more pressing than ever. One of these urgent questions is: how can we provide for a developing European economy in an era of demographic decline in a way that it is based on the opportunities opened up by legally regulated forms of migration. A second question is: how can the EU ensure the safety of the newly arriving people in need and, at the same time, keep away illegal migrants and eliminate criminal activities related to migration. The European Union is destined to spread the principles of peace and unconditional respect for human rights not only within its own borders, but also on a global scale, when engaging in international affairs. In addition to observing human rights, however, the EU must also take into account all security considerations that are pertinent in guaranteeing the free movement of its citizens within the Member States.
The integrity advisers are the central actors of integrity management systems of the administrative organizational structure, whose main task is to promote the implementation of the integrity approach within state administration institutions. As a complementary part of this task, we can separate the tasks of corruption prevention and the improvement of organizational integrity, of which the latter being discussed in more detail in this research and presentation. Integrity advisers play a key role in the development of organizational culture among public administration bodies, such as bodies exercising administrative authority. Looking at the topic more closely, with regard to the activities of integrity advisers, it can be clearly established that one of the engines of their operation is the proper and deep communication, which is not only necessary within the public administration and inter-agency transactions, but it also means communication activities that can be interpreted in the relationship between the public and clients. Equally important is their training and other activities aimed at developing staff awareness, relationships, situation assessment and action practices, which, in addition to and in part within public service training, provide an opportunity to shape organizational culture. The presentation and the paper aims to show the role of integrity advisors in developing organizational culture and transparency in the administration based on recent research experience about online presence of integrity advisors and in-depth interview surveys.
The public administration, in particular to the administrative procedure follows a firm objective: to create of the customer friendly approach. Also, there is more and more emphasis recently on improving the efficiency and speed of the procedure. These are the two most important keywords of the decision planning and documentation. The aim of the research in this scientific paper is to detect and analyse the decision-making methods, concurrently being ready to incorporate them into the national administrative procedure systems. These methods are to provide lawful and effectively applicable alternative dispute settlement methods ready to use in Hungarian legal system and also to assist - apart form the aim to reach the basic aims of the administrative procedure - to create a fundament of the decisions made by the authority, having regard to circumstances in real life cases, viewpoint of customers and other parties, and the balance of the public interest. The scope of the paper also covers the theoretical and practical aspects of general mediation and mediation in administrative procedure, in view with the appearance of the topic within the renewing and current administrative procedural law regime. While examining the mediation in administrative procedure in a novel point of view, this work also analyses the role of this special type of mediation in terms of efficiency and charactesistics of the current and future legal solutions in administartive cases often involving parties with adverse interests. Conclusions and proposions in the paper may provide contribution to the spreading and correct treatment of alternative decision making methods in the administrative procedure. The publication of this scientific paper supported by the ÚNKP-16-1 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry of Human Capacities (Hungary).
In the spring of 1935 there was the general election in Hungary. At this time Gyula Gömbös was the Prime Minister of Hungary. The vote still passed off by the general election law of 1925. In the city of Hódmezővásárhely the election was secret and made with party lists. It was held at the end of April. In the course of the campaign three parties managed to have the enough recommendations: the Party of National Unity (with the leadership of András Tasnádi Nagy under-secretary for Religion and Education) the National Agricultural Opposition (with the leadership of Béla Kun) and the Hungarian Social Democratic Party (with the leadership of Ferenc Takács). The recommendation threshold was 10 percent of the number of all constituent, which was meant 1828 people in this case. In the course of the campaign all of the parties attacked each other in the pages of newspapers.The election ended in complete victory for the opposition. The vote result was a big surprise. The winner was in close fight the Hungarian Social Democratic Party. The second place was owned by the National Agricultural Opposition. The parliamentarian of the city became Ferenc Takács and Béla Kun. They both lived in Hódmezővásárhely.
It was sixteen years ago that recommendations and guidelines were worked out by the FAO/WHO about pre- and probiotics for professionals, industry and consumers (Pineiro and Ben Embarek, 2006). In the developed countries, conscious nutrition, health preservation and disease prevention are increasingly emphasized. In Regulation (EC) No 1831/2003 in the EU has forbidden the use of antibiotics in animal feed as a stimulant for growth. As a result of this decision, the research of health-preserving, disease-preventing products developed rapidly both in the food and feed industries. In order to avoid misuse of prebiotic and probiotic terms, it is necessary to regulate precisely the description of the products. Regulation (EU) 258/97/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council is the first time that the concept of novel foods and food ingredients was introduced. This is the regulation that for the time deals with the introduction of microorganism as food ingredient into the food chain. Pre- and probiotics are present in the food and feed industry due to their beneficial effects on the body, so the regulation of the two areas in many cases merges. A good example is Regulation (EC) 178/2002 of the European Parliament and of the Council, which provides both food, feed, safety conditions and also human and veterinary aspects. Food safety is an important issue for all countries in the world. Every country have an authority to made regulation within this important area, for example the EFSA in EU, the GRAS qualification in USA, the FOSHU category in Japan and the food safety regulation system in Canada. The ISAPP is an international scientific committee, who make guidelines about the usage of pre- and probiotics. This work provides insight to the EU's and other countries' food law regulations. ; Tizenhat éve születtek meg a szakemberek, az ipar és a fogyasztók számára a FAO/WHO által készített ajánlások és irányelvek a pre- és probiotikumokról (Pineiro és Ben Embarek, 2006). Mindemellett a fejlett országokban egyre nagyobb társadalmi hangsúlyt kap a tudatos táplálkozás, az egészségmegőrzés és a betegségmegelőzés. Továbbá a 1831/2003/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendeletben a Tudományos Operatív Bizottság betiltotta az antibiotikumok hozamfokozó céllal történő felhasználását a takarmányokban. A döntés hatására rohamos fejlődésnek indult az antibiotikum kiváltására szolgáló, egészségmegőrző, betegség megelőző hatással bíró készítmények kutatása az élelmiszer- és takarmányiparban egyaránt. A prebiotikus és probiotikus fogalommal való visszaélés elkerülésének érdekében pontos szabályozásra van szükség a termékek leírására vonatkozóan. Az (EU) 258/97/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendeletben jelenik meg első alkalommal az új élelmiszer és az új élelmiszer-összetevő fogalma. Ez a rendelet az, amely első ízben foglalkozik a mikroorganizmusok, mint élelmiszeralkotók élelmiszerláncba kerülésével. A pre- és probiotikumok a szervezetre gyakorolt jótékony hatásuknak köszönhetően jelen vannak az élelmiszer- és takarmányiparban egyaránt, így a két terület szabályozása sok esetben összeolvad. Erre jó példa a 178/2002/EK európai parlamenti és tanácsi rendelet, amely egyaránt rendelkezik az élelmiszerellátásról, takarmányozásról, ezek biztonsági feltételeiről valamint humán és állategészségügyi aspektusokról. Az élelmiszerbiztonság a világ minden országában fontos tényező. Minden ország rendelkezik olyan hatósággal, amelynek feladata az ide vonatkozó szabályok megteremtése, betartatása, felülvizsgálata. Az EU-ban az EFSA által hozott rendeletek, az USA-ban a GRAS minősítés, Japánban a FOSHU kategóriára vonatkozó rendelkezések, míg Kanadában az élelmiszereket érintő biztonsági értékelési rendszer. Az International Scientific Association of Probiotics and Prebiotics (ISAPP) pedig egy olyan nemzetközi tudományos társaság, amely segít a pre- és probiotikumok használatára vonatkozó tudományos szakvélemények megalkotásában. Jelen áttekintés segít bepillantást nyerni az EU és más országok élelmiszer- és takarmányjogi szabályozásának rendszerébe és azok kialakulásába.
The study examines the results of the 1922 general elections on the basis of new research into so-far unexplored sources. One novelty of the present paper is that it compares these results to the already existing research on the field, and debates the arguments of other scholars discussing the topic. The study proves that besides the 140–143 mandates of the United Party (Egységes Párt), the government was also supported by approximately 30 members of the parliament. This altogether meant 170–173 Christian-conservative MPs. It really stood for the "Two-Third" parliamentary support of Bethlen's government. However, the paper also calls attention to the fact that the elections yielded this result not only because of the open ballot system of the rural areas, but also due to corruption and breaching of law in the sphere of civil service. Consequently, whoever praises the system of consolidation by István Bethlen's government, should also keep in mind that it was not based on universal suffrage and secret ballot that were deemed necessary in a modern parliamentary democracy.
In the Pentecost of 1939 there was the general election in Hungary. The vote passed off by the new electoral law, which was made in 1938. In the city of Hódmezıvásárhely the election – which was secret and made with party lists – was held from May 28 to 29. In the course of the campaign four parties managed to have enough recommendations: the Party of Hungarian Life (with Miklós Bonczos under-secretary of state), the Social Democratic Party (with the leadership of Ferenc Takács), the Independent Smallholders Party (with the leadership of Béla Kun) and the National Front (with the leadership of Mátyás Matolcsy), which caused a big surprise. In the course of the campaign all of the parties attacked each other, and of course they promised a lot. The winner of the election was the Party of Hungarian Life and also the second mandate was owned by the party of the government. Miklós Bonczos was elected in an other place, too, that is why he resigned the mandate. Imre Temesváry and János Lénárt – who before was on the second and on the third place of the list of the party of the government – became the parliamentarian of the city.
One of the aims of the new electoral law of Hungary has been to define a fairer apportionment into voting districts. This is ensured by a set of rules slightly more premissive than those laid out in the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters of the Venice Commission. These rules fix the average size of the voting districts, require voting districts not to split smaller towns and villages and not to cross county borders. We show that such an apportionment is mathematically impossible. We make suggestions both to the theoretical approach to resolve this problem, study the properties of our approach and using our efficient algorithm and the data of the 2010 national elections we determine the optimal apportionment. We also study the expected effect of demographic changes and formulate recommendations to adhere to the rules over the long term: increase the number of voting districts to about 130, allow the number of voting districts to change flexibly at each revision of the districts and base the districts on regions rather than counties.
The legal relationship between civil servants and the state, is not governed by the theory of sovereignty, which is relevant in the outer relationships between the state and its citizens, though it has some, limited effect on the inner relationships between the civil servant and the state organ, as well. The inner relationship falls into the category of "dependent work" and therefore civil servants must enjoy the employment rights generally applicable to employees with some alterations. Among such rights, two are investigated more closely in the paper: protection against unjust dismissal and collective rights of workers (right to organise, right to bargain collectively, and right to strike). In 2010 the Hungarian state modified its regulations on civil servants and introduced dismissal without notice referring to the argument that the parties of the legal relationship must be treated equally and because the civil servant can resign from its position without notice, the same right should be enjoyed by the state, as well. The Hungarian Constitutional Court and European Court of Justice nullified this law because of violating the right to work, the right to human dignity, and the right to hold public positions. The regulations on collective rights of civil servants have been systematically violated by the Hungarian legislator since 1992, when the first regulation on civil servants passed. Until 2011 the right to organise has been enjoyed without disturbance by civil servants but since than the state has organise the Bar of Hungarian Civil Servants into which all civil servants are obliged to enter. Because the Bar has rights which are usually considered to be union rights, therefore the Bar is a competitor of the civil servants' unions; consequently the regulations on the Bar violate the right to organise. The right to bargain collectively has never been enjoyed by unions of civil servants since 1992, despite such right is generally applied in developed countries app. since 1960-1970s and is also accepted by the international conventions on social and economic rights. The right to strike is also restricted by the Agreement on Right to Strike in Civil Service (1994) which prohibits the rights to strike far beyond the limits established by the Fundamental Law and the Act on Right to Strike (Act No. VII of 1989). Alternative methods of collective dispute settlement (mediation, arbitration) are also neglected by the Hungarian legal regime.
After Germany introduced the unrestricted submarine warfare at the beginning of February 1917, the United States declared war on 6th April 1917 on Berlin and joined the First World War beside the Allied countries. In response to the declaration of war the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy broke off its diplomatic relations with Washington on the 9th April 1917. The martial law between the two states came into force on the 7th December 1917 with the US's declaration of war. The First World War ended with the victory of the Entente and the peace was dictated by the victors. US President Woodrow Wilson achieved that the victorious powers adopted the League of Nations Covenant in April 1919, which became part of the Paris peace treaties. The US domestic politics was divided over the League of Nations, and as a result of that the US Senate has not ratified neither Germany's nor Austria's and Hungary's peace treaties. The US concluded a separate peace treaty with the losing countries on the basis of the Knox-Porter-resolution. In the history of diplomacy the Knox-Porter-resolution became known as a peace resolution that abolished the state of war between the parties, but the United States has assured all the rights guaranteed by the ceasefire agreement and the peace treaty. The study deals with the preliminaries, the parliamentary debate, details of the ratification, and also describes the most important points of the peace treaty between the United States and Hungary signed on 29th August 1921.
A doktori dolgozat központi kutatási kérdése a következőképpen határozható meg: miként érvényesül az azonos nemű párok elismerésére vonatkozó normatív egyenlőségi követelmény Magyarországon? A disszertáció az azonos nemű párok elismerését és az egyenlő házasság kérdését szociológiai, jogi és történeti szempontok alapján vizsgálja. A disszertáció öt fejezetből áll. A bevezetés meghatározza a disszertáció kereteit. A második fejezet azt vizsgálja, hogy mi a házasság és hogy a házasság jointézménye miként hozható összhangba az egyenlőség normatív követelményével. A dolgozat a Martha C. Nussbaum által képviselt képességszemléletű felfogás (a házasság jogi és expresszív aspektusai) és a kantiánus alapú dworkini egyenlőségfelfogás (egyenlően és egyenlőként kezelés követelménye) alapján határozza meg az irányadó egyenlőségi mércét. Ez az egyenlőségi mérce szolgál alapul ahhoz, hogy a harmadik és a negyedi fejezet elemezze és értékelje a releváns nemzetközi emberi jog dokumnetumokból, illetve európai bírósági döntésekből (az Európai Unió Bírósága és az Emberi Jogok Európai Bírósága) következ őnemzetközi kötelezettségeket, valamint a magyarországi jogfejlődést. A konklúzió összefoglalja a kutatás eredményeit. A disszertáció különböző módszertani megközelítéseket ötvöz annak érdekében, hogy átfogó képet adjon a kutatási kérdésről: egyrészt jogi szempontból normatív elemző, másrészt diskurzív, hamradrészt empirikus.
A doktori értekezés a nemzeti és etnikai kisebbségek országos parlamenti képviseletének kérdését járja körül, és azt kutatja, hogy a parlamenti képviselet biztosítása együtt jár-e a multikulturalizmus elméletéből következő egyéb követelmények teljesülésével, nevezetesen kulturális jogok és antidiszkriminációs intézkedések biztosításával. A kutatás tehát a multikulturalizmus és a képviseletelmélet szakirodalmi kontextusában elemzi 11 kelet- és kelet-közép-európai ország nemzeti és etnikai kisebbségeinek parlamenti képviseletét. A dolgozat elméleti megközelítése a multikulturalizmus definíciós kérdéseinek vizsgálata mellett elsősorban a nemzetiségi képviselet szükségességével és megvalósulási lehetőségeivel foglalkozik. A kutatás két fő módszerre épül. Első részében a vizsgált országok releváns intézményeinek vizsgálatához, a jogszabályban rögzített elemeken túl, a vonatkozó nemzetközi egyezmények monitorozási mechanizmusai kapcsán született jelentéseket elemzem. Így a kisebbségi képviseletet biztosító intézményeket a képviselet lehetséges minőségének szempontjából értékelem. Ugyanakkor elemzésem nem csak a különleges jogokra korlátozódik, a nemzetiségi pártok általi képviselet is az értékelés részét képezi. A kutatás második részében a parlamenti képviselet és egyéb jogosultságok közötti összefüggést, ezek együtt járását vizsgálja a dolgozat. Ehhez a jól ismert MPI index újragondolásával megalkottam a Kisebbségi Jogi Indexet, ami összesen 12 elemet foglal magába. A KJI index a nemzetiségeknek biztosított politikai jogokat, kulturális jogokat és antidiszkriminációs intézkedéseket értékel 9 fokú skálán. Nemzeti kisebbségségekkel foglalkozó szakértőket kértem arra, hogy egy kérdőíven, az általam alkotott pontozási szabályoknak megfelelően értékeljék az adott országot. Összesen több mint 100, minden országból legalább 6 kitöltés érkezett. A kutatás eredményei kapcsán arra lehet rávilágítani, hogy azokban az országokban, ahol a parlamenti képviselet magas pontszámmal értékelhető, ott egyéb jogosultságok terén is ...
