Suchergebnisse

This article analyzes the history, development, & continuity of the sociology of law within the context of Czech social & legal science since 1989. The sociology of law is depicted as a branch of both social & legal science that has suffered greatly from different political discontinuities & ideological repression during the communist era. After the 1989 political changes, the weak tradition of the Czech sociology of law had to be reconstituted. This development is mainly typical of the law faculties of different Czech universities, while academics trained in general sociology & social theory rather continue to ignore the importance & social functions of the legal system in the process of the postcommunist transformation of Czech society.

Foreword by the Editors -- General Introduction -- 1. Status of Religious Communities -- 2. Relations between the State and Islam -- 3. State Support for Islamic Religious Communities -- 4. The Islamic Community of the Czech Republic -- 5. Muslims and the Law on Issues of Social Integration -- 6. Mosques and Prayer Houses -- 7. Burial and Cemeteries -- 8. Education and Schools -- 9. Further and Higher (Tertiary) Education -- 10. Islamic Chaplaincy in Public Institutions -- 11. Employment and Social Law -- 12. Islamic Slaughter and Food Regulation -- 13. Islamic Goods and Services -- 14. Islamic Dress -- 15. Criminal Law -- 16. Family Law -- Bibliography -- Index.

The study focuses on spatial analysis of the general election results in Lower Silesia, Lodz and Lesser Poland voivodeships in a period between 2001 and 2015. Primary subjects of the analysis are political parties Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People´s Party and Democratic Left Alliance, but particularly works also with the results of another parties (Self-Defence, League of Polish families, Modern). Standard electoral geography methodological methods, such as cartographic display of election results, correlation analysis and concentration of the election results measurement have been used on the local level and along with Polish and Czech literature review are included in the study. Main goal of the study was to find out if there are structural differences in terms of electoral support for the parties on both regional and voivodeship level. The analysis proved deeper context of the election results in the eastern regions along with a changing spatial structure of the Law and Justice support in the first decade of the 21st century and related deepening differences between voter bases of the Law and Justice and the Civic Platform- strongest parties in Poland. Findings of the analysis might be useful for upcoming research of the analysis of the electoral support in terms of regional differences.

The article deals with the "state of the art" of municipal and local politics research in Germany. The main objective is to describe and analyze good practice in German sub-regional politics research and to demonstrate its main distinctive features. The paper provides a general overview of current approaches to sub-regional politics research existing mainly in the framework of political science with strong connections to other disciplines (such as law or sociology) and a strong tendency to form a multidisciplinary approach. Our analysis deals with the following: a description of the main research institutions and distinguished scholars in the field, a discussion of prevailing topics, and a study of the most cited publication outcomes since the year 2000. The paper also examines the main differences between Czech and German research in the field of municipal and local politics. Adapted from the source document.

Due to the different and mutually incompatible interpretations of Article X of the Treaty of Utrecht of 1713, there is still an ongoing dispute between the United Kingdom and the Kingdom of Spain on the question of the sovereignty of Gibraltar. In the United Kingdom's view, which is largely shared by legal scholars, Article X of the Treaty of Utrecht grants full and entire sovereignty over Gibraltar to the UK. Meanwhile, the Kingdom of Spain argues that Article X yielded to the crown of Great Britain only the property of Gibraltar's castle, town and port. Sovereignty over Gibraltar, however, continued to be retained by the Spanish state. In spite of their disagreement, both states started negotiating a form of condominium at the beginning of the 21st century. In the end, they failed to achieve this goal, which seems to be incompatible with the UN General Assembly resolutions on the decolonization of Gibraltar. The people of Gibraltar, who are the third actor in the Spanish-British dispute, claim their own sovereignty and their right to self-determination. However, according to the UN General Assembly, the decolonization of Gibraltar requires as a precondition that the Kingdom of Spain and the UK solve their dispute on the question of sovereignty. Otherwise the decolonization of Gibraltar cannot occur. Both the United Kingdom and the Kingdom of Spain are European Union members but their inter-state dispute under international law cannot be solved within the EU context. Thus, three hundred years after the signature of the Treaty of Utrecht, the future of Gibraltar remains completely unclear. Adapted from the source document.

The study examines public's perceptions of the political climate in the Slovak society before the Parliamentary Elections scheduled for 2002. It compares public's opinions and views during two specific periods-In October 1997-a year before Parliamentary Elections (three years into Vladimir Mečiar's government) and in September 2001 (approximately 3 years into the government of Mikulaš Dzurinda). Findings of two separate empirical sociological surveys, one conducted in October 1997, other in September 2001, conducted by the Institute for Public Affairs form the basis for analysis. The results of the analysis showed that despite the fact that the public perceived the socio-political situation as gradually worsening after the 1998 Parliamentary elections, their perceptions as recorded in September 2001, are qualitatively of a different nature than those observed in October 1997 (Vladimir Mečiar's government). This difference was observed mainly in the area of public's perception of problems in the society, evaluation of developments in specific areas [in society], as well as the degree of public's pre-election expectations. When it comes to public opinion, the general mood before the 2002 elections is dictated predominantly by the problems in the economy and the social sphere-it is not caused by any shortcomings in guaranteeing democracy and the rule of law, as was the case before 1998 election. ; The study examines public's perceptions of the political climate in the Slovak society before the Parliamentary Elections scheduled for 2002. It compares public's opinions and views during two specific periods-In October 1997-a year before Parliamentary Elections (three years into Vladimir Mečiar's government) and in September 2001 (approximately 3 years into the government of Mikulaš Dzurinda). Findings of two separate empirical sociological surveys, one conducted in October 1997, other in September 2001, conducted by the Institute for Public Affairs form the basis for analysis. The results of the analysis showed that ...