The article tries to bring to the light the role of symbolism in the organized human life, in general, and the contemporary societies with the accelerating changes almost in all social structures, in particular. The rational of symbolism in changing socio-political and legal environment creates complexity of the issue, which has been studied in the article, taking into account the methodology of complex system theory. The interconnectivity and interdependency of law, morality and politics create the picture of synergy of different social norms with each other in changing environment. Their positive synergy is able to create a perception of the 'ethical state' – the focal point of equilibrium expressed in the attractor of future admired development. In the legal perspective, the symbol of that attractor appears to be the constitution as the society's and the nation's symbol of coexistence based on the values of mutual past, necessary present and admired future. It is substantiated that the Constitution is the phenomenon, representing a concrete constitutional idea and constitutional identity, and should be the one to be considered as such in a lot of people's minds if we intend to have a proper constitutional system and values. Hence, the Constitution is not just a document with a highest legal force, but also a symbol of a concrete constitutional system, and from this viewpoint the Basic Law has a symbolic significance. The authors substantiate that the mentioned significance of the Constitution makes it clear that constitutional policy in any state should be established and implemented in a manner, obviously demonstrating an attitude towards the Constitution, in the frames of which it is considered as a symbol of a concrete constitutional system. The most important circumstance in this context is to never transform the Constitution (directly or indirectly) from a symbol to an instrument in the hands of both the people and the state power and the whole constitutional policy of the state should be based on the discussed essential idea. Moreover, according to the authors the Constitution should not be subject to amendment parallel to every change of political situation of the state or formation of a new political majority merely conditioned by the mentioned changes. The Constitution has a fundamental role from the aspect of regulating social relations, has symbolic significance and can't be used just as a tool for solving ongoing political problems.
The right to strike action is one of the fundamental human rights and trade union freedoms. Strike, as a form of protest against broadly understood injustice is one of the most important measures of trade union protection of workers' interests. However, the right to strike is not absolute and its legal use must often take into account the interests of the employer and third parties. The aim of the article is to assess – basing on a review of the literature and the case-law – the doctors' right to strike from a legal, ethical and moral perspective. The issue of medical practitioners' right to participate in a strike is ambiguous in view of the legislation currently in force, and two opposing positions have developed in the collective labour law literature. The problem of the legality of this form of protest of medical practitioners is nowadays left to the assessment of the parties to a collective bargaining dispute, carried out based on the general clause of a possible "threat to human life and health or national security", with the lack of appropriate judicial review in this regard. It is, therefore, undoubtedly necessary for the legislature to take appropriate pro futuro legislative action. ; Prawo do strajku należy do podstawowych praw człowieka oraz wolności związkowych. Strajk, jako jedna z form protestu przeciwko szeroko rozumianej niesprawiedliwości, należy do najistotniejszych środków związkowej ochrony interesów pracowniczych. Prawo do strajku jednak nie ma charakteru bezwzględnego, a korzystanie z niego w sposób legalny musi niejednokrotnie uwzględniać interes pracodawcy i osób trzecich. Celem artykułu jest ocena legalności strajku lekarzy z punktu widzenia regulacji ustawowych oraz zasad etycznych i moralnych, przy uwzględnieniu poglądów literatury i orzecznictwa. Kwestia prawa lekarzy do udziału w strajku jest na gruncie aktualnego stanu prawnego niejednoznaczna, a w literaturze zbiorowego prawa pracy wykształciły się dwa przeciwstawne stanowiska w tym zakresie. Problem legalności tej formy protestu lekarzy pozostawiony jest obecnie w zasadzie jedynie ocenie stron sporu zbiorowego, dokonywanej przez pryzmat ogólnej klauzuli ewentualnego "zagrożenia życia i zdrowia ludzkiego lub bezpieczeństwa państwa", przy jednoczesnym braku odpowiedniej kontroli sądowej w tym zakresie. Niewątpliwie zatem wymagane jest podjęcie przez ustawodawcę odpowiednich działań legislacyjnych pro futuro.
Celem artykułu jest charakterystyka dwóch kultur prawnych, tj. kultury władzy oraz kultury uzasadniania, sformułowanych przez Davida Dyzenhausa. Powyższa dystynkcja kultur zaproponowana przez kanadyjskiego teoretyka prawa stanowi interesujący głos w dyskusji nad tym, w jaki sposób wybrnąć z problemu wyznaczenia granic sprawowania władzy publicznej, a w konsekwencji również problemu bezkonfliktowego realizowania zasady podziału władzy. Najogólniej rzecz ujmując, w kulturze władzy uzasadnianie dla działania władzy jest konieczne na etapie jej ustanawiania, w momencie zaś jej ustanowienia władza nie widzi potrzeby uzasadniania swoich decyzji. W kulturze uzasadniania w sytuacji, gdy władza już została ustanowiona, reguły kultury uzasadniania nakazują władzy uzasadniać swoje wszystkie decyzje. Rekonstrukcja powyższych idei kultur prawnych została zilustrowana ostatnimi propozycjami zmian w ustawie o Sądzie Najwyższym. W konkluzji artykułu wskazano, że zaproponowane zmiany funkcjonowania Sądu Najwyższego są oczywistymi przykładami działań władzy ustawodawczej opartych na dyrektywach kultury władzy, co prowadzić może do naruszeń zasad państwa prawa. ; The aim of this article is to describe two legal cultures, namely the culture of authority and the culture of justification, as formulated by David Dyzenhaus. This distinction between legal cultures proposed by the Canadian theorist of law makes an interesting contribution to the discussion on how to make headway with the problem of determining the limits of public authority and, consequently, the problem of implementing the principle of the separation of powers in such a way that conflicts do not arise. In general, with the culture of authority, justification of the actions of an authority is necessary only when it is being established, and once its authority has been established, the authority sees no further need to justify its decisions. Whereas in the cultureof justification, after an authority has already been established, the rules of the culture of justification require that the authority continue to justify all its decisions. The reconstruction of these conceptions of legal cultures are illustrated by the recently proposed Act on the Supreme Court in Poland. The conclusion of the paper indicates that the proposed changes to the functioning of the Supreme Court are clear examples of legislative action based on the directives of a culture of authority, which may lead to violations of the rule of law.
Finding much needed funds from taxes to state budgets and an ever-increasing mistrust of politicians and public opinion to the tax optimization schemes of multinational enterprises (MNEs) and high net worth individuals (HNWIs) have sparked an unprecedented political enthusiasm to address international tax avoidance in the last decade. This enthusiasm morphed into a political mandate given by G20 to the OECD in 2012. Amid a plethora of anti-avoidance rules delivered by the OECD under the BEPS Project, the principal purposes test (PPT) and its derivative under the EU Anti-Tax Avoidance Directive (ATAD) – the General Anti-avoidance Rule (GAAR) – are pivotal. The purpose of this contribution is to take an attempt to answer the main research question: is there room for an application of the GAAR (ATAD) and PPT (MLI) in a similar fashion? The assumption positively verified under this study via the prism of tax policy and technical (legal) reasons is that the less dissimilar an application of the GAAR and PPT will be, the less tax avoidance and fewer disputes arising from this phenomenon appear. However, there is a major caveat: the GAAR and PPT must gravitate towards the General Anti-abuse Principle (GAAP) as follows from the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union's (CJEU) rather than to the OECD's version of the GAAR in the MLI (PPT). Only such an interpretative approach may ensure the right balance between fiscal interests of countries and individual economic freedoms of taxpayers. This contention stems from an analysis of the wording and structure of the GAAR and PPT, tax policy aims articulated in the preambles to the MLI and ATAD, the Court of Justice of the European Union's (CJEU) case law, the OECD's Commentary, and the relevant literature. ; Potrzeba znalezienia środków z podatków na finansowanie funkcjonowania państw oraz coraz większa nieufność polityków i opinii publicznej wobec schematów optymalizacji podatkowej przedsiębiorstw wielonarodowych (multinational enterprises, MNE) i najbardziej majętnych osób fizycznych (high-net worth individuals, HNWI) wywołały bezprecedensowy entuzjazm polityczny dotyczący przeciwdziałania międzynarodowemu unikaniu opodatkowania. Ten entuzjazm przerodził się w mandat polityczny udzielony OECD przez G20 w 2012 r. Wśród mnogości propozycji środków prawnych przeciwdziałających unikaniu opodatkowania opracowanych przez OECD w ramach projektu BEPS, za kluczowe należy uznać: test jednego z głównych celów (principal purposes test, PPT) z MLI i ogólną klauzulę przeciwdziałania unikaniu opodatkowania (general anti-avoidance rule, GAAR) z unijnej dyrektywy przeciwdziałającej praktykom unikania opodatkowania (anti-tax avoidance directive, ATAD). Celem niniejszego artykułu jest znalezienie odpowiedzi na główne (tytułowe) pytanie badawcze: Czy GAAR (ATAD) i PPT (MLI) powinny być stosowane w podobny sposób? Hipotezą pozytywnie zweryfikowaną w ramach niniejszego opracowania jest to, że: im bardziej zbiegające się (koherentne) będzie stosowanie GAAR i PPT, tym mniej praktyk unikania opodatkowania i sporów wynikających z tego zjawiska będzie występować między podatnikami i organami podatkowymi. Istnieje jednak poważne zastrzeżenie: GAAR i PPT powinny być stosowane zgodnie z ogólną zasadą przeciwdziałania nadużyciom (general anti-abuse principle, GAAP) wynikającą z orzecznictwa Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej (TSUE), a nie zgodnie z PPT zaprojektowanym przez OECD. Tylko takie podejście do stosowania GAAR i PPT może zapewnić właściwą równowagę między interesami fiskalnymi różnych państw a swobodami gospodarczymi podatników. Konstatacja ta wynika z analizy treści i struktury GAAR i PPT, celów polityki podatkowej wyrażonych w preambułach do MLI i ATAD, orzecznictwa Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej (TSUE), Komentarza OECD do Modelu Konwencji OECD oraz literatury.
In the present paper the author attempts a general characterization of the national security policy of Ukraine in the context of its constitutional foundations and geopolitical location. The security policy of Ukraine is determined by several factors and in particular by the economic interests, geographical position, political system ("oligarchic democracy") and possible alliance with the European Union, United States and NATO. These factors work together with the historical experiences and political relations with countries of the Post-Soviet area, especially with Russia under V. V. Putin regime. Russia's annexation of Crimea in 18 March 2014 violated rules of international law, because for the end of the Cold War the borders in East Europe were redrawn by use of force. The author tries to present the conceptions, documents and practical implications of the Ukrainian national security policy ; W przedstawionym artykule autor dokonuje generalnej charakterystyki polityki bezpieczeństwa narodowego Ukrainy w kontekście jej podstaw konstytucyjnych oraz położenia geopolitycznego. Polityka bezpieczeństwa narodowego tego państwa jest uwarunkowana paroma czynnikami, szczególnie jej interesami ekonomicznymi, położeniem geograficznym, właściwościami systemu politycznego ("demokracja oligarchiczna") oraz możliwymi sojuszami z Unią Europejską, Stanami Zjednoczonymi oraz NATO. Te czynniki współgrają z ukraińskimi doświadczeniami historycznymi oraz stosunkami politycznymi z państwami obszaru postradzieckiego, szczególnie z Rosją, pod rządami W.W. Putina. Rosyjska aneksja Krymu dokonana 18 marca 2014 r. złamała reguły prawa międzynarodowego, ponieważ po zakończeniu ery zimnej wojny, granice w Europie Wschodniej zostały zmienione przy użyciu siły. Autor podejmuje próbę prezentacji koncepcji, dokumentów oraz implikacji praktycznych ukraińskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa narodowego
Jakub of Szadek is one of the many people from this small town (now in Central Poland), who in XV century came to Cracow to study, and played a significant role in the life of both the Jagiellonian University and the country. He is chiefly known for his diplomatic activity – being an eminent lawyer, he took part in many diplomatic missions during the 13-year war with the Teutonic Knights. He had a major part in the preparation of foundations for the signing of the peace treaty in Toru in 1466. In the years 1474–1476 he performed the function of Rector of Cracow Academy, contributing greatly to the extension of Collegium Minor. In 1476 he was appointed to the high position of vicar general in Cracow diocese. Jakub of Szadek is the co-author of a new approach to the theory of the rights of nations, and human rights, with reference to natural rights, the Gospel and the teachings of Popes and oecumenical councils. He is also one of Polish creators of international law, whose intensive development falls in Poland on XV century. In addition, he deserves the credit for invoking the nationality principle in international negotiations (the principle acknowledging the fact that particular regions are inhabited by people of Polish origin and speaking Polish language, who gave Polish names to cities, mountains, rivers and settlements). At least two texts of his speeches has been preserved until today thanks to J. Długosz, who was his friend. Jakub of Szadek died in 1487.
The international law order is the first in which we can observe the use of mediation as a legal institution. The mediation activity conducted by the United Nations is a model for contemporary legal entities. The entity is characterized by a multitude of normative regulations and undertaking informational and promotional actions in the field of mediation. The areas of action of the United Nations include interventions in political, international and domestic disputes, trade disputes, and internal disputes thus determine the UN's promediation activities in three spheres of activity: 1) mediation activities under the direction of the UN Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs. It involves mediation with the UN Secretary-General as a mediator. The conduct of mediation is aimed at resolving international and domestic disputes; 2) activities of the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL), Working Group II: Arbitration and Conciliation / Dispute Resolution. It is the UN unit specialising in the use of mediation to settle trade disputes in a variety of entities; 3) the United Nations is an organization which employs tens of thousands of people of various nationalities, cultures and operating in different areas. This area is within the Ombudsman's responsibility as part of mediation services. The entity deals with the internal environment of the organization, resolves disputes, including those through mediation between UN employees. ; Międzynarodowy porządek prawny jest pierwszym, w którym możemy zaobserwować zastosowanie mediacji jako instytucji prawnej. Wzorem dla współczesnych podmiotów prawa jest działalność w przedmiocie mediacji prowadzona przez Organizację Narodów Zjednoczonych. Podmiot charakteryzuje się mnogością regulacji normatywnych oraz podejmowaniem akcji informacyjnych i promocyjnych w zakresie mediacji. Płaszczyzny działania ONZ obejmują m.in. interwencje w spory polityczne, międzynarodowe i krajowe, spory handlowe, spory wewnętrzne, determinując tym samym promediacyjną działalność ONZ w trzech sferach działalności: 1) działalność mediacyjna pod kierunkiem Departamentu Spraw Politycznych i Budowy Pokoju ONZ. Obejmuje prowadzenie mediacji z wykorzystaniem osoby Sekretarza Generalnego ONZ jako mediatora. Wykonywanie mediacji jest ukierunkowane na rozwiązywanie sporów międzypaństwowych i wewnątrzpaństwowych; 2) działalność Komisji ONZ ds. Międzynarodowego Prawa Handlowego (UNCITRAL), Zespół II: Arbitraż i koncyliacja / Rozwiązywanie sporów. To komórka ONZ specjalizująca się w wykorzystywaniu mediacji do opanowywania sporów handlowych w różnych konfiguracjach podmiotowych; 3) Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych zatrudnia dziesiątki tysięcy ludzi wywodzących się z różnych narodowości, kultur i działających na różnym terenie. Ten obszar jest właściwy dla działalności Ombudsmana w ramach świadczonych usług mediacyjnych. Podmiot zajmuje się środowiskiem wewnętrznym organizacji, rozwiązuje spory, w tym w drodze mediacji pomiędzy pracownikami ONZ.
The article discusses the electoral system in the time of the COVID-19 pandemic. Elections are the process of citizens electing their representatives for specific positions. In this context, the method and principles of conducting the election are important, so that its fundamental rule - universality - is preserved. Although more than a dozen electoral regulations were in force since 1989 and the traditional model of voting at a polling station was still in place, the Polish legislator also provided for postal and proxy voting. Due to the risk related to the COVID-19 pandemic, it would seem that changes to the Polish Electoral Code will be necessary. The adaptation of the new provisions to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997, however, turned out to be too ambitious a task for the domestic legislator. Therefore, the Act of April 6, 2020 on the special rules for holding general elections for the President of the Republic of Poland, ordered in 2020, did not enter into force finally, because the functioning of a democratic state ruled by law requires that fundamental rights and civil liberties, including electoral ones be guaranteed. This study is empirical in nature - it is a case study of a specific legislative action shown in a comparative approach on the example of Poland and the United States of America. ; W artykule omówiono jedną z instytucji systemu wyborczego w dobie pandemii COVID-19. Wybory to proces wybierania przez obywateli przedstawicieli na określone stanowiska. Istotne w tym kontekście są sposób i zasady przeprowadzania elekcji, tak by zachowana została jej fundamentalna reguła - powszechność. Chociaż od 1989 r. obowiązywało kilkanaście ordynacji wyborczych, a tradycyjny model oddania głosu w lokalu wyborczym nadal funkcjonował, to polski ustawodawca przewidział także głosowanie korespondencyjne oraz za pośrednictwem pełnomocnika. Z uwagi na ryzyko związane z pandemią COVID-19 wydawać by się mogło, że dalsze zmiany w polskim Kodeksie wyborczym będą niezbędne. Dostosowanie nowych ...
The main aim of the article is to present the discourse around the possibility of regulating the sharing economy and to discuss potential instruments of public policy that may be used to limit the adverse effects of the development of this economic system. The contribution first introduces the understanding of the concept of regulation and régulation and discusses the relationship between the sharing economy and the concept of digital governance. Then, after presenting selected positive and negative effects of the sharing economy, regulatory instruments are identified. The summary indicates possible directions for further research.
Tekst przedstawia analizę polityki energetycznej Polski zarówno w wymiarze instytucjonalno-normatywnym (policy), jak i w wymiarze szerszych działań politycznych (politics). W związku z próbą analizy dokumentów o charakterze planistycznym przygotowywanych przez Ministra Gospodarki (tzw. "polityka energetyczna państwa") punktem wyjścia sąkwestie prawne wynikające z Ustawy prawo energetyczne. W tekście przedstawione zostały w ogólnym zarysie główne założenia Polityki energetycznej do 2030 r i niekompletnego jeszcze w 2015 r. Projektu Polityki energetycznej do 2050 r. Ujęcie instytucjonalno-normatywne zostało wzbogacone analizą wybranych problemów mających znaczenie dla kierunków polityki energetycznej i bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Polski. Ponadto w tekście podjęto się odpowiedzi na następujące pytania: (1) W jakim zakresie status prawny dokumentu "polityka energetyczna państwa" wpływa na niski poziom realizacji założeń celów strategicznych w energetyce?, (2) W jakim zakresie brak faktycznej odpowiedzialności podmiotów politycznych wpływa na brak realizacji celów strategicznych "polityki energetycznej państwa"?, (3) Jakie działania należy podjąć w celu prowadzenia spójnej i efektywnej polityki energetycznej w Polsce? ; The text presents an analysis of the Polish energy policy, which takes into account its both aspects: the institutional and normative aspect (policy), and the context of political activities involved (politics). As the text analyses the planning documents preparedby the Minister of Economy (the so-called "State's energy policy"), the starting point for this analysis are the legal issues ensuing from the Energy Law Act. The text outlines the major assumptions of the Energy Policy till 2030 as well as the general provisions of the incomplete, as of the year 2015, Project of the Energy Policy till 2050. The institutional and normative context has been supplemented with an analysis of selected issues significant for the directions in the development of the energy policy and the energy security in Poland. Moreover, the text addresses the following questions: (1) to what extent does the legal status of the document "the State's energy policy" contribute to the poor achievement of the strategic goals in the energy sector?, (2) to what extent does the lack of actual responsibility of the political subjects contribute to the lack of the realisation of strategic goals put forward in the "State's energy policy"?, (3) what actions should be undertaken in order to administer a cohesive and effective energy policy in Poland?
The securitisation market worth trillions of dollars collapsed during the financial crisis of 2007–2009 and for many years its volume remained quite low in the European Union, i.a. due to lack of confidence in securitisation products. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to simple, transparent and standardised securitisation (STS securitisation), almost unnoticed in Polish doctrine, being a specific type of securitisation that has appeared lately and develops in the European Union, including Poland, as a way to revive the securitisation. In the course of considerations, after a brief presentation of securitisation, its development and collapse, attention is turned to the Regulation (EU) 2017/2402 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 12 December 2017 laying down a general framework for securitisation and creating a specific framework for simple, transparent and standardised securitisation, and amending Directives 2009/65/EC, 2009/138/EC and 2011/61/EU and Regulations (EC) no. 1060/2009 and (EU) no. 648/2012 (OJ EU L 347/35) and the premises it contains that must be met so that the securitisation could be designated as "STS" or "simple, transparent and standardised". The remarks are especially focused on requirements of due diligence, transparency, risk-retention, simplicity and standardisation. The article ends with conclusions on the effectiveness of the adopted solutions in the economic sphere as well as with respect to the unification of securitisation law in the Member States and the restoration of credibility for securitisation in the European Union. ; Rynek sekurytyzacji, wart biliony dolarów, uległ załamaniu w czasie kryzysu finansowego z lat 2007–2009 i przez kolejne lata jego rozmiary w Unii Europejskiej utrzymywały się na dość niskim poziomie, m.in. z powodu braku zaufania do sekurytyzacji. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przybliżenie niemal niedostrzeżonej w polskiej doktrynie prostej, przejrzystej i standardowej sekurytyzacji (sekurytyzacji STS) jako szczególnego rodzaju sekurytyzacji, który niedawno pojawił się w Unii Europejskiej, w tym także w Polsce, stanowiąc sposób na ożywienie działalności sekurytyzacyjnej. W toku rozważań, po krótkim przedstawieniu sekurytyzacji, jej rozwoju i upadku, przeanalizowano rozporządzenie Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady (UE) 2017/2402 z dnia 12 grudnia 2017 r. w sprawie ustanowienia ogólnych ram dla sekurytyzacji oraz utworzenia szczególnych ram dla prostych, przejrzystych i standardowych sekurytyzacji, a także zmieniające dyrektywy 2009/65/WE, 2009/138/WE i 2011/61/UE oraz rozporządzenia (WE) nr 1060/2009 i (UE) nr 648/2012 (Dz.Urz. UE L 347/35) i wskazane w nim przesłanki, które muszą zostać spełnione, aby sekurytyzacja mogła być oznaczona jako "STS" lub "prosta, przejrzysta i standardowa". Skoncentrowano się w szczególności na wymaganiach dotyczących obowiązku dołożenia należytej staranności, przejrzystości, zatrzymania ryzyka, prostoty i standaryzacji. Artykuł kończy się uwagami dotyczącymi skuteczności przyjętych rozwiązań w sferze gospodarczej oraz w zakresie ujednolicenia prawa sekurytyzacyjnego w państwach członkowskich i przywrócenia wiarygodności sekurytyzacji w Unii Europejskiej.
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The scientific goal of the article is to analyze traffic safety policy, in a problem-chronological perspective, as part of the Swedish "welfare state" model, with particular emphasis on internal political and social factors.THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: In exploring the issues of road safety in Sweden, the author used a functionalist approach to examine the relationship of political forces affecting their shape. The genetic method has allowed to mention qualitative factors that are the foundations of Swedish policy. Institutional and normative approach with regard to the characteristics of decision-making processes, law-making processes resulted in a system analysis in line with the theoretical model proposed by David Easton. Each stage of the legislative process has been followed – from the change initiative to the entry intoforce of the "Vision Zero". The method of content analysis and the institutional and legal method served to illustrate the role that it has for Sweden for 20 years.THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: Ensuring broadly understood, multi-tasked road traffic safety is today a prerequisite for harmonious economic and social development of the country (for example, due to the cost of treatment of accident victims, but also the legitimacy of authority, whose task is to ensure safety).RESEARCH RESULTS: The necessity of introducing a nationwide road safety strategy was convinced by all the groups that sat in the Swedish parliament in 1997 (as evidenced by its voting through acclamation). The consolidation attitude of many social groups, institutions and individual road users, promoted by the Vision Zero, resulted in considerable successes. First of all, the number of fatalities in road accidents in 1997-2012 dropped by 48%. At the same time, the number of people who suffered minor injuries in the same period as a result of road accidents has increased. This testifies to the correct decisions of Swedish strategists who were already well aware in 1997 that it is impossible to eliminate accidents as such (which is why they focused on reducing the most tragic effects).CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The Vision of Zero, which is now a general philosophy of approach to road safety issues in Sweden, thanks to its efficiency and effectiveness has become not only a source of pride on the part of the Swedes themselves. Few (Sweden's population for the first time reached a ceiling of 10 million inhabitants in January 2017), although the very innovative Swedish society developed an innovative model of cooperation between private and public sector entities as well as every single user of transport infrastructure that contributed to the radical decline the number of accidents resulting in death or serious injury. Thus, once again, the descendants of the Vikings became a role model for other nations – both among European Union countries and on a global scale.
RESEARCH PURPOSEThe aim of this study was an analysis of drafts of the new Constitution of the Republic of Poland prepared by the new generation of National Democrats [Polish: "Neoendecja" from the name of the political party Narodowa Demokracja - National Democracy - commonly referred to as "Endecja" from its abbreviation "ND"].RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODOLOGYThe research problem centres on the attitude towards the new basic law, which envisions the establishing and functioning of a nation state understood as a Polish Nation State. Texts penned by the representatives of the new generation of National Democrats, who formed political parties, have been used as source data for the purposes of the study. The source data, subsequently, has undergone qualitative analysis (including the procedure of thematic coding and categorising), as well as narrative inquiry.REASONING PROCESSThe article consists of two parts. The first provides information on the issue of the axiological order, which the aforementioned drafts of the Constitution guaranteed to introduce. Herein, the present-day adherents of National Democracy introduced a clear-cut hierarchy of what they believe are the fundamental values of the Polish Nation, and stressed the role of Catholicism for the integrity and identity of Poland. The second includes reflections on the constitutional order of a nation state. This concerns findings on the attitudes and activity of the main public administration bodies, the relations among them and their relations with the general public.RESEARCH ANALYSIS RESULTSThe studied drafts of the Constitution have shown many similarities, especially in matters related to the protection of human life, dignified employment, and social security of a family understood as foundation of the nation. Discrepancies regarding the vision for the preferred political system have been noted, as some drafts favoured the semi-presidential system, while others, the parliamentary cabinet form of government.CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONSThe new generation of National Democrats submitted innovative plans for reconstructing the foundations of a nation state. Such plans have the intent of popularising the national ideology, uniting the political parties formed by national circles, and stabilising the different factions present on the political scene: national liberals, national traditionalists, national peasantry representatives, all of whom have the common goal of building a Great Poland. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Celem pracy jest analiza projektów konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej przygotowanych przez środowiska neoendeckie.PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Problemem badawczym jest sprawa podejścia do projektowanej ustawy zasadniczej i odzwierciedlonej w niej kwestii istnienia i funkcjonowania państwa narodowego rozumianego jako Państwo Narodu Polskiego. Do badania wykorzystano źródła tekstowe autorstwa środowisk neoendeckich, których emanacją były ugrupowania polityczne. Teksty zostały poddane eksploracji jakościowej z uwzględnieniem procedury kodowania i kategoryzowania pojęć oraz analizowania narracji.PROCES WYWODU: Artykuł ma dwudzielną strukturę. W pierwszej części przedstawiono kwestię ładu aksjologicznego, który gwarantowały projektowane ustawy zasadnicze. Środowiska neoendeckie jednoznacznie hierarchizowały wartości fundamentalne dla narodu polskiego, podkreślając znaczenie katolicyzmu dla spójności i tożsamości Polski. W drugiej części artykułu znalazły się rozważania na temat porządku ustrojowego państwa narodowego. Przedłożone zostały ustalenia dotyczące naczelnych organów administracji publicznej oraz relacji między nimi i społeczeństwem.WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Projekty konstytucji unaoczniły zbieżność projektów konstytucji, szczególnie w odniesieniu do ochrony życia ludzkiego, godności pracownika, gwarancji socjalnego bezpieczeństwa rodziny jako podstawy narodu. Uobecniły się też rozbieżności wizji państwa narodowego pod kątem preferowanego modelu ustroju politycznego: semiprezydenckiego bądź parlamentarno-gabinetowego.WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Środowiska neoendeckie przedłożyły oryginalne plany porządkowania podstaw państwa narodowego. Zmierzały do upowszechnienia ideologii narodowej, zintegrowania politycznych grup narodowych, stabilizowania środowisk różnych nurtów politycznych: narodowo-liberalnego, narodowo-tradycjonalistycznego oraz narodowo-ludowego, ale powiązanych ze sobą wspólnotą planów budowania Wielkiej Polski.
The book contains a thorough analysis of the European Union institutional system as a specific, sui generis international organisation, in the context of its legitimization (its validity and legitimacy). The book is mainly theoretical. Primarily, the author aims at presenting a reliable depiction of the EU institutional system legitimization through the prism of the theoretical output concerning legitimization of the political power, including and accentuating the indicated specificity of the EU as a distinct international organisation. Secondly, he took into consideration the changes introduced into the legal foundations of the EU functioning, pursuant to the Lisbon Treaty – the latest treaty reforming the structures of the Union. In the context of the main theme of the present study, these changes are important not only in terms of the EU institutions themselves, i.e. their competences and reciprocal relations, but also with regard to the fundamental change of the legal character of the EU, and the alterations introduced into the individual Union politics. Thirdly, the author attempts to present the problem of the EU institutional system legitimization in the special circumstances, i.e. in the situation of the most profound economic crisis that the EU members have faced since the beginning of the integration process. The EU is regarded as a specific structure, being neither a state nor a typical international organisation. Such an approach was the starting point for the main premise of the present book – the idea that the thesis about the deficiency of democracy in the EU, formulated in the literature on the subject and in the public debate, is a certain simplification, and the characteristic features of the EU and its institutions, which provoked the formulation of such a thesis, should be considered in a broader context, such as the problem of the EU institutional system legitimization and, alternatively, the deficiency of that legitimization. For the direct democratic legitimization is only one of many sources of legitimacy of the EU institutional system and of the Union as a specific international organisation in general – an extremely important source, perhaps the most important, yet not the only one. Thus, the legitimization of the EU and its institutions should be analysed in a broader perspective, which also includes other sources of legitimization – as it is done in case of every political power which, striving for its legitimization to be as strong as possible, attempts to derive it from the largest number of sources. According to the author of the book, to base the EU institutional system legitimization only on the grounds of the direct democratic legitimization characteristic of a democratic state, would be tantamount to a certain disruption of the right order. It would rather be a symptom of too advanced an integration on the "institutional" level in comparison to the extent of the "material" integration. Until the EU is a structure sui generis, in which case it is a combination of features characteristic of an intergovernmental, international organisation, a supranational organisation or a state, the nature of legitimization of this structure should also be specific. The most important role should be played by the democratic legitimization, which should be completed with other sources, owing to which the functioning of the EU institutional system, and the whole EU, could be recognised as legally valid. Apart from the main thesis also other theses and hypotheses are posed in the book. The first chapter is a certain theoretical introduction and a basis to the deliberations presented in the further parts of this study. In the first subsection, with reference to the literature on the subject, the problem of legitimization (legitimacy) of the political power, i.e. the concept, classifications and sources of legitimization (legitimacy) of the political power, have been synthetically depicted. In another part of chapter one, the author attempts to relate the problem of legitimization to the EU as a specific international organisation and to formulate his own definition of legitimization deficiency with regard to EU institutional system. Bearing in mind that the problem of legitimization deficiency in the EU (EC) has not been discussed on a larger scale until certain stage of development of integration process was reached, in 1.3. subsection, the author raises some questions concerning: the sufficiency of legitimization of the integration process during the first few decades after the Second World War, the grounds for that legitimization and the reasons why, at a certain stage of the EU (EC) development the legitimization of the Union's institutional system started to be considered insufficient, which was manifested in the opinions acknowledging the democracy and legitimization deficiency. The first chapter ends with a passage devoted to the importance of the EU institutional system legitimization, whereas the significance of legitimization to the political power and political institutions in general, consitutes its reference point. The second chapter (subsections 2.3.–2.8.) presents a synthesis of the evolution of the EU (EC) institutional system in the context of its legitimization, from the moment of the EC founding treaties ratification, till the time the changes pursuant to the Lisbon Treaty were introduced. The author focused here mainly on the competences of the particular EC (EU) institutions and their reciprocal relations, which should make it possible to observe two main tendencies in the dynamics of changes taking place in this field, and present its specificity and distinctiveness in comparison to the systems of democratic states. At the beginning of this chapter, a thesis has been formulated (simultaneously, becoming an extension of the attempt to determine why, at a certain stage of the integration process, the issue of democracy/legitimization deficiency started to be discussed – a question that was raised in the first chapter), which states that the legitimization of the EU institutional system will be sufficient, if the law regulations and political practice of their functioning are convergent with the level of advancement of the integration process in various spheres of social life; in other words, the "institutional" integration should correspond with the "material" integration (that is the Union politics). To that end, the author made an attempt to present, in a synthetized form, the development of the "material" integration (subsection 2.1.), which he completed with an analogical endeavour to illustrate the evolution of the EU (EC) institutional system in the context of its legitimization (subsection 2.9). For in accordance with the increasingly common approach, the EU institutions are treated as a system, the concept and principles of which have been presented in 2.2. subsection. In the third chapter, the author presents the EU institutional system in its current form, that is with the changes introduced under the Lisbon Treaty. Here, the selected aspects regarding competences and functioning of the particular EU institutions have been depicted, as well as the relations between them in the context of legitimization. Additionally, three selected problems regarding the EU institutional system have been raised, which are especially important in the context of its legitimization (the relation between the EU institutional system and the institutions of the EU member states, the question of transparency in the functioning of the EU institutions, as well as the Union budgets in the consecutive years). In the last subsection (3.9.) the specific features of the EU institutional system, significant in the context of its legitimization, have been identified. The fourth chapter is devoted to the functioning of the EU institutional system in the perspective of four basic sources of its legitimization, i.e. indirect and technocratic, direct and democratic, utilitarian, and one consisting of "values". The chapter ends with a conclusion outlining the specificity of the EU and its institutional system with regard to the sources of its legitimization, which is especially important in the context of the book's main thesis. The fifth chapter concerns the problem of legitimization of the EU institutions in the context of the economic crisis, which the EU member states struggle with since around the year 2008. The sixth chapter, in turn, regards the so called subjective (empirical, social) dimension of the EU institutions' legitimization, that is, the way this problem is perceived by the citizens of the EU member states. It has been based on the results of opinion polls conducted for the use of Eurobarometer, from among which these questions and answers were selected, which could be applied to illustrate the way the EU citizens perceive the Union institutions in the context of their legitimization. The closing remarks include the most important conclusions drawn from the conducted analyses and the potential reforms and modifications of the EU institutional system, which may allow for the reinforcement of its legitimization, primarily in its democratic aspect. The bibliography contains a list of sources which were cited and referred to in the book.
The discussion of the role of self-government in Poland's political structure has been closely linked to the Polish people's aspirations and desire for freedom, democracy and a state in which sovereignty is indeed in the hands of its people. These aspirations, so strongly expressed during the general election of June 1989, have since the very beginning included demands for self-government. What it meant for the state and its political system, was the implementation of the idea embodied in the name Solidarity which, as a trade union, was also to be independent and self-governing. It was also the realisation of the demand for a 'Samorządna Rzeczpospolita' (a Self-governing Republic), one of the fundamental principles of the Solidarity movement put forward at its First National Congress, which I had the honour of chairing in 1981.In March 1990, only a few months after its election on 4 June 1989, the Polish parliament adopted a law that restored the institution of local self-government at the level of communes and municipalities (gmina). Thus, 25 years ago, the road to political transformation in Poland was opened, allowing the building of a Polish state understood as the political community of all its citizens – a real Res Publica.The predominating belief which accompanied us in this process was that the indispensable prerequisite to shaping democracy was to give back the state to its citizens, thus releasing dormant social energy and the entrepreneurial spirit of the people. After all democracy means not only the possibility of the democratically electing the political representatives (the authorities) but equally the chance for citizens to feel involved and take the responsibility for public affairs.Therefore the first democratic government, headed by Tadeusz Mazowiecki, began the process of restoring the state to its citizens from the most important starting point. It started with the rebuilding of communal and municipal self-governing structures and the recreating of the intellectual foundations for the formation of the new constitution of a citizens-centred state.This was possible mainly because a vision of reform had already been conceived and had been long developing in the minds of a number of distinguished persons. This project of self-government reform constituted an original example of engagement of Polish intellectuals in state affairs and their taking responsibility for the common good.The reform also turned out to be one of the most effective methods of de-communisation of Polish public life. This could be best seen in the results of the first election to self-governing structures in 1990, and the role which the Solidarity citizens' committees played in it. It was indeed the same people, the co-founders and members of the Solidarity movement, who have successfully carried out the restoration of self-government in Poland.'We marched for power to return it to the people' was the motto of the Polish government in 1997, a government which I had the honour of heading for the subsequent four years, and which articulated the goals and the sense of political and social transformation of those times. We called it a Four Reform Programme, and its objective was a fundamental transformation of public life in Poland. On the one hand we intended to create favourable conditions for the development of the public civic space, while on the other we strove to activate and make more dynamic the processes of economic, political and cultural development in the country.We believed that acceleration of this development and modernisation was contingent upon active participation of self-government structures. Hence the creation of strong self-government had gradually become our conscious choice and an urgent 'civilising task.' This task was grounded equally in the need to manage properly our recently regained independence, and in the need to make efficient use of the pre-accession period preceding Poland's membership of the European Union, which was then imminent.Thus the administrative reform undertaken by my government in 1999 introduced districts (powiat) as self-governing level of administration, allowing it, in conjunction with communes and municipalities (gmina), to take effective control of matters directly affecting local communities and their citizens. The self-governing structures formed at the level of strong voivodships, or regions, allowed at the same time to decentralise responsibility for regional economic development, competitiveness and modernisation strategies.Today, after over 10 years of EU membership, it is worth reflecting on the impact the political reforms which we carried through then have had on Poland's functioning in the system of European integration. We were proven right in our conviction that decentralisation and differentiation of various state functions would allow for a better and more effective use and management of EU funds.The three-tier self-government structure created solid foundations helping to satisfy better the aspirations of citizens, local communities and regions with regard to their modernisation and development. Today it is those local self-governing units, those closest to citizens, those most familiar with and with the best understanding of their needs, which are responsible for the drafting of regional development projects and the management of funds available for those projects. Self-government structures have become the real centres for formulating and implementing development strategies.This is the context in which the key challenge facing self-government is set, namely the fostering of entrepreneurship, ensuring proper conditions for innovation and mobilising citizens to engage in economic and social initiatives. The role of self-government in shaping of the state's development policy is not limited to dividing available means and resources. Much more important is its ability to effectively multiply the available means, to support partnership ventures, including public-private projects, to form strong business to business relationships as well as partner relations between research centres and local administrative bodies, or promote and support innovations and civic initiatives serving the common good. After all, all these are key factors for the long-term stability and development of our communities and our country, which is today the key measure of the responsibility for public matters, so deeply rooted in the idea of self-government.The self-government reform originated from the ideas developed in the 1980s of the twentieth century as part of the Solidarity movement, but was implemented in an already independent Poland, when laying the foundations for a transformation of the state and the democratisation of the citizen-state relationship. It also had, however, and maybe predominantly, a deep idealistic dimension, so easy to forget when we focus on the current and most urgent challenges of the present.In my opinion, it is in self-governance, as well as in the political and administrative culture, that opportunities for building our freedom lie: freedom, the sense of which we feel best if given a chance to share in the responsibility for it. In times of independence this means the possibility of personal engagement public issues based on the pro publico bono principle: issues pertaining to our family life, our local community, or the whole country.Today, in the context of our shared responsibility for the European Union, such an understanding of self-governance should also inspire us to seek new directions of development, and to participate in the shaping of Europe-wide standards of public life. In the same way as 25 years ago in Poland we founded a political community on the basis of self-governance, we should today look at self-governance as a chance to create a true political community of all European citizens.
