Suchergebnisse

Listina o temeljnih pravicah Evropske unije predstavlja osrednji dokument varstva temeljnih pravic v Evropski uniji, ki so se razvila skozi prakso Sodišča Evropske unije. Kot deklaracija je bila najprej slovesno razglašena 7. decembra 2000, pravna veljava in status primarnega prava Evropske unije pa ji je bil podeljen devet let kasneje z Lizbonsko pogodbo. Vsebina Listine o temeljnih pravicah Evropske unije temelji na skupnih ustavnih tradicijah in mednarodnih obveznosti držav članic, Evropski konvenciji o varstvu človekovih pravic, socialnih listinah Evropske unije in Sveta Evrope, sodni praksi Sodišča Evropske unije ter Evropskega sodišča za človekove pravice. Kljub temu pa je njena vsebina tudi inovativna in v nekaterih primerih širša. Tako je z Listino o temeljnih pravicah Evropske unije, zagotovljena pravica do azila, kar predstavlja redkost v mednarodnih dokumentih varstva temeljnih pravic. V praksi jo tako Sodišče Evropske unije kot nacionalna sodišča velikokrat uporabljajo na področju migracij in azila. Sodišče Evropske unije igra pomembno vlogo pri harmonizaciji Skupnega evropskega azilnega sistema in zagotavljanju minimalnih standardov varstva pravic prosilcev za mednarodno zaščito skozi interpretacijo skladnosti določb sekundarne zakonodaje Evropske unije na področju azila in nacionalne zakonodaje z Listino o temeljnih pravicah Evropske unije. ; "Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union" represents a core bill of rights document within the European union which developed through the case law of the European Court of Justice. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union was solemnly announced on 7 December 2000 as a Declaration, only becoming legally binding nine years later with the entry into force of the Lisbon treaty, which granted it the status of primary law of the European Union. The contents within the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union is based on the constitutional traditions and international obligations common to member states, the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights, Social Charters of the European union, and the Council of Europe, the case law of the European Court of Justice, and the European Court of Human Rights. However, it is also innovative and broader in some cases. Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union provides a right to be granted asylum, which represents a rarity in international instruments of fundamental rights. It is often used in practice by the European Court of Justice and national courts in the field of migration and asylum. The European Court of Justice plays an important role in harmonization of the Common European Asylum System and in setting of minimum standards for protection of the rights of applicants for international protection through its interpretation in compliance of secondary legislation of the European Union and national legislation with the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.

Palestinski predsednik Mahmoud Abbas je v začetku leta 2011 zaprosil za polno članstvo Palestine v Organizaciji združenih narodov (OZN). Varnostni svet članstva Palestini ni odobril, zato je sledila prošnja za odobritev statusa države opazovalke. Z resolucijo Generalne Skupščine OZN 67/19 so dne 29. novembra 2012 Palestini odobrili status države opazovalke. Ta status je Palestini prinesel pravico do sodelovanja na sejah Generalne skupščine OZN, do vzpostavitve predstavništva v New Yorku, Ženevi in na Dunaju ter pravico postati članica specializiranih agencij OZN ter pogodbenica vseh mednarodnih pogodb, kjer je Generalni sekretar OZN depozitar. Magistrska naloga analizira pravne posledice spremembe statusa Palestine v OZN. Za lažje razumevanje najprej predstavim pot Palestine do statusa države opazovalke v OZN. Nato kratko analiziram ali je palestinska zakonodajna ureditev v skladu z nekaterimi najpomembnejšimi mednarodnimi pogodbami, ki jih je Palestina ratificirala. V zaključku pa raziščem kako sodeluje v Generalni skupščini ter nekaterih specializiranih agencijah OZN, kjer ima položaj članice ali opazovalke. ; The Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbasa had in the beginning of the year 2011 requested for full membership of Palestine in the United Nations (UN). The Security Council did not approve membership of Palestine, therefore a request for granting a status of an observer state followed. With the Resolution 67/19 from the 29th of November 2012 the General Assembly approved Palestine the status of observer state. This status brought Palestine the right to participate in the meetings of the General Assembly, to establish a Permanent Mission in New York, Geneva and Vienna, and the right to become a member of specialized agencies of UN and party to all international treaties, where the Secretary-General is depositary. My Master thesis analyses the legal consequences of the change in status of Palestine in the UN. For better understanding of the topic, I first introduce Palestine's road to the status of observer state in the UN. Then I briefly analyse, if the Palestinian Law is in consistency with some of the most important international treaties to which Palestine ratified. In conclusion, I research the participation of Palestine in the General Assembly and in some specialized agencies, where Palestine holds status of member or observer.

Magistrsko delo raziskuje dejavnike uspešnosti mednarodnih režimov, ki jih preverjam na primeru preprečevanja tihotapljenja ljudi v času migrantske krize. Ta režim je bil med leti 2015 in 2018 na največji preizkušnji v svoji zgodovini, saj je zaradi migrantske krize število migrantov, ki so nezakonito prečkali meje Evropske unije preraslo njene zmogljivosti. Ljudje so se v želji po osnovnih človekovih pravicah začeli množično zatekati k nezakonitim in mnogokrat smrtno nevarnim načinom migriranja. Režim proti tihotapljenju migrantov je prejemal vse več kritik, vendar ga niso razvijali z namenom regulacije problema tako velikih razsežnosti. Zaradi pomanjkanja interesa je njegov namen povečanje državnega nadzora nad migracijami in meddržavnega sodelovanja. Režim je namreč lahko najuspešnejši takrat, ko vsi akterji upoštevajo vse njegove sestavine: norme, načela, pravila in pravila odločanja. V delu preverjam upoštevanje teh sestavin na primeru štirih mednarodnih organizacij: Organizacija za varnost in sodelovanje v Evropi, Evropski policijski urad, Mednarodna organizacija kriminalistične policije in Urad Združenih narodov za droge in kriminal ter petih držav: Nemčija, Madžarska, Grčija, Francija in Slovenija. Trenutne politike, usmerjene k povečevanju povpraševanja po tihotapskih storitvah, je treba preoblikovati tako, da bodo identificirani dejavniki uspešnosti zaobjeli tudi izvorne države, ki bodo lahko začele prispevati svoj delež. ; This master's thesis explores the factors of effectiveness of international regimes that I test on the case of smuggling of migrants during the migrant crisis. This regime had its greatest trial in its history between the years 2015 and 2018 why because the migrant crisis increased the number of migrants that could legally cross the borders of the European Union. People, in the desire for basic human rights, began to massively resort to illegal and many times deadly ways of smuggling. The regime against the smuggling of migrants has begun to receive increasing criticism. However, it was not established with the aim to regulate the smuggling problem of such large proportions. Due to the lack of states' interest, its aim was to increase state control over migration and interstate cooperation. The regime can be most effective when all actors are concerned with all its components: norms, principles, rules and rules of decision-making. In the thesis I test the upkeeping of these components on four international organizations: Organization for security and cooperation in Europe, European union agency for law enforcement cooperation, International criminal police organization and United nations office on drugs and crime, and five countries: Germany, Hungary, Greece, France and Slovenia. Current policies are formed to increase the demand for smuggling services and need to be transformed in order for identified factors of effectiveness to capture countries of origin and make them contribute their share as well.

V članku je prikazan poskus ureditve mednacionalnih odnosov na istrskem polotoku v letih pred prvo svetovno vojno v širšem kontekstu reševanja nacionalnih konfliktov v avstrijski polovici Habsburške monarhije. Poseben poudarek je na predstavitvi in analizi moravskega kompromisa leta 1905, ki je temeljil na osebnem načelu in je postal nekakšen model za urejanje mednacionalnih odnosov v Cislajtaniji ter na analizi istrskega kompromisa leta 1908, ki je temeljil na teritorialnem načelu. ; The Habsburg monarchy was an absolutist monarchy before 1848, and from the Theresian-Josephine period there was a tendency to introduce a centralised unitary state. However, this was resisted by Hungary, which was able to maintain its special position under constitutional law. In 1867, the Habsurg Monarchy accepted the Austro-Hungarian compromise to be organized as a dual monarchy, as a personal and real union of two equal and more or less centralized states. The Monarchy was renamed to Austro-Hungary, however, in both parts of the states, this caused various national groups to experience a sense of discomfort and threat and consequently revoked their historical rights and national law. After the establishment of the Dual monarchy, the Wienna governments first favoured the correctional measures plans leading to federalism, after the affirmation of the dualism and the centralization, however, the idea of compromises became the central focus of solving the national disputes in Cisleithania. In 1905, German and Czech politicians in Moravia managed to reach an agreement on how to regulate the national situation in the country. The Moravian Agreement, which was conceived by the Regional Committee, was not based on territorial but on personal principles and became a model for the regulation of international relations in Cislaitania. The Istrian peninsula was also a focal point of national conflict, where Slavic deputies, especially after 1883, strongly advocated the realisation of linguistic equality in the country. The Italian majority in the Istrian Regional Assembly consistently rejected linguistic equality in the Regional Assembly. The Italian side became more receptive to Slavic demands only after the introduction of universal male suffrage for the National Assembly (1907), when it became clear that the process of political democratisation was working in favour of the emancipation of the majority Slavic population. In 1908, the Istrian Agreement, or the Regional Electoral Reform, was signed. The Slavs on the Istrian peninsula have thus won a victory. The Istria Agreement was based on the territorial division of electoral districts according to the principle of nationality and ensured that neither side majorised the other.

Po načelu samoodločbe imajo ljudstva pravico do suverenosti, ki je razdeljena na notranjo in zunanjo samoodločbo. Notranja samoodločba se kaže v pravici do kulturnega, socialnega in ekonomskega razvoja, medtem ko se zunanja najbolj kaže v pravici do oblikovanja svoje države in do nastopanja v mednarodnopravnem prostoru kot suveren subjekt. Teorijo je v mednarodnih dokumentih po koncu druge svetovne vojne začela razvijati OZN, ki je notranjo samoodločbo priznala vsem ljudstvom, medtem ko je zunanjo omejila na kolonialna ljudstva in pri njihovi definiciji ubrala zelo ozko razlago. Druga polovica 20. stoletja je posledično prinesla nastanek ogromnega števila novih držav, zlasti na afriškem in azijskem kontinentu. Več ali manj se vse centralne vlade soočajo z obstojem skupine ali skupin ljudi, ki imajo drugačne kulturne, jezikovne in socialne značilnosti. Pristop vsake centralne vlade do teh skupin ljudi je različen, vendar je v zadnjih stotih letih možno opaziti, da imajo več posluha za njihove potrebe in priznavanja različnih oblik samoupravljanja. Centralne vlade z njimi sprejemajo mednarodne sporazume, ki se zapišejo v ustavo. Teorija pozna dva različna modela, ki skušata pojasniti sanacijsko pravico do samoodločbe, to je zunajpravne pravice do odcepitve, ki naj bi popravila nepravično stanje. Naloga vzame pod drobnogled sanacijsko pravico do odcepitve avtorja Allena Buchanana. Buchanan namreč priznava pravico ljudstvom, ki so grobo zatirani s strani države, odcepitev pa bi predstavljala sanacijo. Katalonija je že več stoletij del Kraljevine Španije. Po španski ustavi ima status avtonomne regije, na podlagi katere ima določene specifične pravice. Kataloncem je po mednarodnem pravu skoraj nemogoče priznati pravico do zunanje samoodločbe, čemur tudi ni naklonjena španska ustava. Nemiri v zadnjem desetletju nakazujejo, da v Španiji nekaj ni v redu, zato je treba morebitno rešitev poiskati v teorijah, kot je sanacijska pravica do samoodločbe. ; According to the principle of self-determination, peoples have the right to sovereignty, which is divided into internal and external self-determination. Internal self-determination is manifested in the right to cultural, social and economic development, while external self- determination is most evident in the right to form one's country and to act as a sovereign entity in the international legal space. The theory was developed in international documents after the end of World War II by the UN, which recognized internal self-determination for all peoples while restricting external ones to colonial peoples and defining a very narrow interpretation in their definition. The second half of the 20th century, in turn, brought about the emergence of a huge number of new countries, especially in the African and Asian continents. More or less all central governments are confronted with the existence of a group or groups of people with different cultural, linguistic and social characteristics. The approach of each central government to these groups of people is different, but over the last hundred years, it can be observed that they have more of an ear for their needs and for recognizing different forms of self-government. Central governments sign international agreements with them and adopt them into constitution. Theory knows two different constructs that seek to explain the remedial right to self-determination, that is, the unlawful right to secession, which is to remedy an unjust state. The task under scrutiny takes the remedial right to secede Allen Buchanan. Buchanan recognizes the right of people who are severely oppressed by the state, and secession would mean a remedial action. Catalonia has been part of the Kingdom of Spain for centuries. Under the Spanish Constitution, it has the status of an autonomous region, on the basis of which it has specific rights. It is almost impossible for Catalans to recognize the right to external self-determination under international law, which is not favored by the Spanish Constitution. The unrest of the last decade suggests that something is not right in Spain, so any solution must be sought in theories such as the remedial right to self-determination.

POVZETEK MEDNARODNI KAZENSKI PREGON IN ČLOVEKOVE PRAVICE TUJIH TERORISTIČNIH BORCEV Avtor: Rok Petročnik Mentorica: izr. prof. dr. Vasilka Sancin V magistrski nalogi sem raziskoval nastanek fenomena tujega terorističnega borca, njihov mednarodni kazenski pregon in kršitve njihovih temeljnih človekovih pravic v domačih kazenskih pregonih. Varnostni svet OZN je leta 2014 na podlagi VII. poglavja Ustanovne listine OZN sprejel Resolucijo 2178, ki podaja opis tujega terorističnega borca, vendar ne loči med oboroženimi spopadi in terorizmom. Resolucija 2178 opisuje tujega terorističnega borca kot posameznika, ki potuje v tujino z namenom izvedbe ali sodelovanja v terorističnem napadu, medtem ko je tuji borec posameznik, ki odpotuje v tujino z namenom pridružitve oboroženim spopadom. V raziskavi sem prišel do sklepa, da trenutno ne obstaja mednarodni kazenski pregon tujih terorističnih borcev, saj pregon izvajajo države same pred nacionalnimi sodišči. Varnostni svet OZN je pregon tujih terorističnih borcev preložil na države članice OZN, in sicer z vzpostavitvijo različnih odborov za nadzor izvajanja sankcij Varnostnega Sveta, kot so Sankcijski odbor 1267 in Skupina za analitično podporo in nadzor sankcij. V primerih Nada, Ahmed in Abdelrazik so nacionalna sodišča zaradi kršitev temeljnih človekovih pravic s sodbami razveljavila državne upravne akte, ki so vpeljevali sprejete protiteroristične resolucije Varnostnega sveta. Podobno je naredilo sodišče EU v primeru Kadi, kjer je bila razveljavljena uredba, ki je vpeljala sankcije Varnostnega sveta. Sodbe nacionalnih in sodišč v EU so bile glavni dejavnik za spremembo mednarodnopravnega okvirja terorizma OZN in za posledično večji poudarek na spoštovanju temeljnih pravic, ki jih zagotavlja Evropska konvencija o človekovih pravicah. ; ABSTRACT INTERNATIONAL PROSECUTION AND HUMAN RIGHTS OF FOREIGN TERRORIST FIGHTERS Author: Rok Petročnik Mentor: Vasilka Sancin, PhD, Professor In master's thesis i explored the emergence of the foreign terrorist fighter phenomenona, international prosecution of foreign terrorist fighters, and the violation of the fundamental rights of foreign terrorist fighters in domestic prosecutions. UN Security Council in 2014 adopted Resolution 2178 under Chapter VII of the UN Charter. However, while the Resolution outlines the description of a foreign terrorist fighter, it fails to distinguish between armed conflicts and terrorism. Resolution 2178 defines foreign terrorist fighters as individuals who travel to a state other than their states of residence or nationality for the purpose of the perpetration, planning, or preparation of, or participation in, terrorist acts or the providing or receiving of terrorist training, including in connection with armed conflict, while foreign fighter is an individual who travels abroad with intention to join armed conflict. The research led to the conclusion that there is currently no international prosecution of foreign terrorist fighters because states carry it out before national courts. UN Security Council has placed the burden of prosecuting foreign terrorist fighters on UN Member States by establishing different committees monitoring the implementation of the Security Council sanctions, such as the 1267 Committee and the Analytical Support and Sanctions Monitoring Team. In the cases of Nada, Ahmed and Abdelrazik, national courts due to violations of fundamental rights, repealed national administrative acts that introduced the adopted UN Security Council counter terrorism resolutions. The Court of Justice of the EU made a similar decision in the case of Kadi by repealing the regulation introducing the UN Security Council sanctions. Judgements of national and EU courts were the main factor in changing the UN terrorism framework in terms of international law, thus shifting the focus on the respect of fundamental rights as guaranteed by the European Convention on Human Rights.

Varstvo materinstva je bistvenega pomena za zdravje in dobro počutje žensk ter njihovih otrok. Ključnega pomena je ženskam zagotoviti dostojno delo in enakost spolov, saj jim omogoča združitev reproduktivne in produktivne funkcije ter prepreči neenako obravnavanje pri zaposlovanju. Magistrsko diplomsko delo obravnava diskriminacijo nosečnic na delovnem mestu na nadnacionalni in nacionalni ravni. Uvodu v drugem poglavju sledi opis pojma in oblike diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu, v tretjem poglavju pa so na kratko opisani dokumenti, ki urejajo diskriminacijo nosečnic na mednarodni ravni. Ker pa je bistvo naloge primerjalnopravni vidik diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu, ki se bo nanašal na primerjavo med državami članicami Evropske unije, je v četrtem poglavju opisana diskriminacija nosečnic na ravni Evropske unije, dve najpomembnejši direktivi na tem področju in sodna praksa Sodišča EU. V petem poglavju je bolj podrobno opisana diskriminacija nosečnic na delovnem mestu v Sloveniji, relevantna zakonodaja, postopki v primeru diskriminacije, primeri pred Zagovornikom načela enakosti in nekaj primerov iz sodne prakse slovenskih sodišč. Šesto poglavje je namenjeno primerjavi diskriminacije nosečnic na delovnem mestu v različnih državah članicah Evropske unije, v katerem so primerjane Belgija, Nemčija, Poljska, Romunija, Španija in Švedska. V sedmem poglavju sledijo moji zaključki in ugotovitve, kako kljub zelo veliki zaščiti nosečih delavk v zakonodaji še vedno prihaja do številnih diskriminacij, zakaj je temu tako in kako bi lahko stanje izboljšali. ; Maternity protection is essential for the health and well-being of women and their children. It is crucial to ensure that women have access to decent work and gender equality, to enable them to combine their reproductive and productive functions and to prevent unequal treatment in employment. Master thesis deals with discrimination of pregnant women in the workplace at supranational and national level. The introduction is followed by the second chapter which describes the term and forms of discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace, while the third section briefly describes the documents governing discrimination against pregnant women on the international level. However, since the essence of the thesis is the comparative legal aspect of discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace, which will refer to the comparison between the Member States of the European Union, Chapter 4 describes the discrimination of pregnant women at European Union level, the two most important directives in this field and the case-law of the European Court of Justice. Chapter 5 in more detail describes the discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace in Slovenia, relevant legislation, procedures in case of discrimination, cases before the Advocate of the principle of equality, and some examples from the Slovenian case-law. Chapter 6 is intended to compare the discrimination against pregnant women in the workplace in different Member States of the European Union, comparing Belgium, Germany, Poland, Romania, Spain and Sweden. In Chapter 7 my conclusions are presented and the conclusions on how, despite the very high protection of pregnant worker in legislation, there are still many disparities, why is this the case and how the situation could be improved.

V magistrskem diplomskem delu je predstavljena Konvencija Združenih narodov proti korupciji, prvi in edini univerzalni mednarodnopravno zavezujoči protikorupcijski instrument. Ta je rezultat večletnih naporov številnih držav in iskanja potrebnega konsenza za njeno sprejetje, danes pa ima že 182 pogodbenic. Konvencija obravnava preventivne ukrepe, inkriminacijo, kazenski pregon, mednarodno sodelovanje, povračilo premoženja, strokovno pomoč in izmenjavo informacij. Vzpostavljen je ocenjevalni mehanizem implementacije Konvencije, ki se v ciklih posveča vsem njenim določbam, tudi pravno nezavezujočim, katerih število in odsotnost strogega režima izvrševanja neizbežno pomeni, da Konvencija sama po sebi ne bo odpravila korupcije. Kljub temu državam nudi skupni okvir na katerega se lahko oprejo ter dodatno vzpodbudo za sodelovanje. Zato je ključno uporabiti in po potrebi nadgraditi regionalne mehanizme, ki lahko kakovostno dopolnjujejo cilje Konvencije. Končno poročilo prvega cikla ocenjevanja implementacije III. in IV. poglavja je za Slovenijo vzpodbudno. Izdana so bila določena priporočila, a hkrati prepoznani številni primeri dobre prakse. Učinki Konvencije bodo vidni postopoma, ko in če bodo države upoštevale izdana priporočila, počakati pa je treba še na zaključek drugega cikla in s tem pregled II. in V. poglavja. Za prihodnost brez korupcije je bistveno, da ob spoštovanju nacionalne suverenosti države ohranijo voljo za skupen mednarodni boj, Konvencija pa zaenkrat deluje kot dober skupni imenovalec na tej poti. ; This master thesis analyses United Nations Convention against Corruption, first and only universal legally binding anti-corruption instrument. The latter is a result of years of efforts made by numerous states in search of required consensus to adopt a document, which has 182 parties by now. Convention deals with preventive measures, criminalization, law enforcement, international cooperation, asset recovery, technical assistance and information exchange. An implementation review mechanism has been established, which will address all the Convention's provisions in cycles, including the non-binding ones. The number of those and lack of a strict enforcement regime inevitably means that Convention on its own cannot put an end to corruption. What is crucial, is a common framework for states to lean on and above all, encouragement for cooperation. Therefore it is vital to utilize and, depending on the needs, upgrade existing regional mechanisms, which can complement goals of the Convention. Final report of the first review cycle of the implementation of chapters III. and IV. is reassuring for Slovenia. Certain recommendations were made, but numerous examples of good practice were also recognized. Effects of the entire Convention will be seen gradually, when and if states follow issued recommendations, plus we need to wait for the end of the second cycle and with it the review of chapters II. and V. For a future without corruption it is crucial that states, while respecting national sovereignty, preserve their will for the joint international fight. And so far Convention works as a good common denominator on this path.

Termin samoodločbe je zapisan v ustanovitvenih dokumentih večine državnih ustav ter mednarodnega prava, prav tako pa predstavlja sredstvo za legitimizacijo države ter nadnacionalnega reda. Točna definicija in njeni parametri pa so v resnici stvar debate, ne glede na to ali izhajajo iz logike notranjosti državniškega sistema ali iz logike njegove zunanjosti. Magistrsko delo najprej sledi "klasičnemu" pojmu samoodločbe v njegovi zgodovinski partikularnosti znotraj mednarodnega sistema, pri čemer poudari veliko napetost med samoodločbo in državno suverenostjo. Nakar se obrne h kritični politični teoriji, da bi izkopalo definicijo samoodločbe, pri kateri popusti poseben odnos samoodločbe z državnim sistemom in pojmom suverenosti. Takšno pojmovanje samoodločbe je za potrebe naloge poimenovano "rizomatično" in se nato uporabi pri analizi štirih primerov z namenom, da se pokaže, kako lahko tak pojem samoodločbe uporabimo za razumevanje možnosti, ki jih vzpostavljajo najnovejša politična gibanja. Temeljni argument magistrskega dela je, da ko jih razumemo v okvirju državnega sistema kot sedanjo ali prihodnjo "aktivno" pravico, se dejanja samoodločbe zreducirajo na normativni determinizem zgodovinsko kontingentnih odnosov sil, saj se bodisi ujamejo v pogoje obstoječih dejavnikov znotraj konstituiranega sistema bodisi njihovo uresničitev pogojuje učinkovitost sile, ki jo lahko izvršujejo, da bi izničili funkcije sistema, ki slonijo na obstoječih pravilih. Ko pa jo razumemo onkraj zaprte logike državnega sistema, lahko samoodločba pomeni izražanje neomejene konstituirajoče oblasti in kolektivne imaginacije, ki sprosti nove vektorje možnosti človeških političnih odnosov. ; The notion of 'self-determination' is enshrined in the founding documents of international law and most state constitutions as a means of legitimating the current state and supranational order. However, its precise definition and parameters are the subject of debate—both when understood from within the logic of the state system and from outside it. This thesis situates the "classic" notion of self-determination within its particular historical position inside the international system, highlighting its deep tension with the norm of state sovereignty, before turning to critical political theory to unearth a definition of self-determination wherein its particular relationship to the state system and the total notion of sovereignty is relaxed. This conception of self-determination is, for the purposes of this thesis, termed 'rhizomatic,' and applied to four case studies to demonstrate how it might be used to understand the possibilities created by recent political movements. The primary argument of this thesis is that, when understood inside the state system as a present or future 'active' right, acts of determination reduce to the normative determinism of historically contingent relations of force because they are either resolved on the terms of existing actors within the constituted system or by the effectiveness of force they can exert to deny the system's function based on its previous rules. However, when understood beyond the closed logic of the state system, self-determination can be taken to mean manifestations of boundless constitutive power and collective imagination that unleash new vectors of possibility for human political relations.

Magistrsko diplomsko delo z naslovom Glavna obravnava v upravnem sporu kot človekova pravica celovito obravnava vprašanje (ne)izvedbe glavne obravnave v upravnem sporu. Mednarodni in slovenski predpisi predvidevajo javne sodne postopke z neposrednim ustnim obravnavanjem zadev. Prvi odstavek 6. člena Evropske konvencije o varstvu človekovih pravic in temeljnih svoboščin določa, da je javna obravnava sestavni del pravice do poštenega sojenja. Ustava Republike Slovenije posredno ureja glavno obravnavo v upravnem sporu, in sicer zlasti v 22. členu (enako varstvo pravic), 23. členu (pravica do sodnega varstva) in 24. členu (javnost sojenja). Glavno obravnavo kot zakonsko materijo podrobneje urejajo določbe Zakona o upravnem sporu in Zakona o pravdnem postopku. Izhajajoč iz ugotovitev Evropskega sodišča za človekove pravice, Ustavnega sodišča Republike Slovenije in Vrhovnega sodišča Republike Slovenije v magistrskem diplomskem delu zagovarjam dosledno izvedbo glavne obravnave, predvsem v primeru spornega dejanskega stanja in ko stranka njeno izvedbo izrecno zahteva. Vrhovno sodišče Republike Slovenije in Ustavno sodišče Republike Slovenije sta v novejši sodni praksi zavzela enotno stališče, da ima glavna obravnava v upravnem sporu enako naravo in smisel kot glavna obravnava v katerem koli drugem sodnem postopku. Ustavno sodišče Republike Slovenije je pravico do glavne obravnave v upravnem sporu opredelilo kot samostojno človekovo pravico, ki jo zagotavlja 22. člen Ustave Republike Slovenije. Pravica ni absolutna, zato morajo biti posegi vanjo zakonsko določeni ter prestati ustavna testa legitimnosti (tretji odstavek 15. člena Ustave Republike Slovenije) in sorazmernosti (2. člen Ustave Republike Slovenije). ; The master's thesis titled The main hearing in an administrative dispute as a human right comprehensively deals with issues regarding decision-making in an administrative dispute. International and Slovenian legal acts envisage public legal procedures with direct oral proceedings. The right to an oral hearing is an integral part of the right to a fair trial, as guaranteed by Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia indirectly regulates the right to a main hearing in an administrative dispute, especially in Article 22 (Equal Protection of Rights), Article 23 (Right to Judicial Protection) and Article 24 (Public Nature of Court Proceedings). The right to a main hearing is specified in the Administrative Dispute Act and the Contentious Civil Procedure Act. Building on the findings of the European Court of Human Rights, the Constitutional and the Supreme Court of the Republic of Slovenia, the master's thesis advocates for the consistent execution of the main hearing, particularly in cases where facts are being disputed and when a party explicitly demands it. The Constitutional and the Supreme Court of the Republic of Slovenia agreed that the main hearing possesses the same nature and meaning in an administrative dispute as it does in any other judicial proceeding. The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Slovenia has declared the right to a main hearing in an administrative dispute as an independent human right, which is guaranteed by Article 22 of the Constitution. As the right is not absolute, the absence of the main hearing is only permissible in duly justified cases prescribed by law and when the Constitutional tests of legitimacy (paragraph 3 of Article 15 of the Constitution) and proportionality (Article 2 of the Constitution) are passed.

V uvodnem delu doktorske disertacije smo opredelili raziskovalni problem doktorske disertacije, in sicer proučevanje vpliva davčne kompleksnosti na davčno skladnost. Zapisali smo cilj, to je proučitev področja davčne skladnosti s posebnim poudarkom na stroških davčne skladnosti ter empirična preveritev lastnega modela merjenja makroekonomskih učinkov stroškov davčne skladnosti. Zastavili smo osnovno tezo doktorske disertacije, in sicer, ali zmanjšanje stroškov davčne skladnosti povzroča makroekonomske učinke ; v povezavi s tem smo zastavili deset hipotez. Uvodoma so predstavljeni še pričakovani izvirni znanstveni prispevki, uporabljene predpostavke in omejitve ter metode raziskovanja, uporabljene tako v teoretičnem kot empiričnem delu doktorske disertacije. V drugem poglavju smo zapisali teoretična izhodišča s področja davčne kompleksnosti v povezavi z davčno agresivnostjo in podali lastno opredelitev davčne kompleksnosti in davčne agresivnosti, pri čemer smo se oprli na znanstveno literaturo s tega področja. Predstavili smo vzroke in kazalnike davčne kompleksnosti ter podali izčrpen kvalitativni pregled dosedanjih raziskav o davčni kompleksnosti in davčni agresivnosti. V drugo poglavje doktorske disertacije smo vključili dve lastni empirični raziskavi, in sicer: raziskavo o spreminjanju davčnih predpisov primerjalno za Slovenijo, Avstrijo, Veliko Britanijo, Hrvaško, Bolgarijo, Madžarsko, Češko, Romunijo in Poljsko ; raziskavo cen revizijskih storitev za Slovenijo. Pomembna nova znanstvenoraziskovalna dognanja predstavljajo tudi nove spremenljivke davčne kompleksnosti, ki smo jih prepoznali za subjekte javnega interesa, katerih delnice kotirajo na organiziranem trgu. Tretje poglavje predstavljajo teoretična izhodišča s področja davčne skladnosti, kjer smo z uporabo znanstvene literature predstavili dosedanje teorije davčne skladnosti in vrste stroškov davčne skladnosti. Dodali smo lastno opredelitev davčne skladnosti. Podali smo izčrpen kvalitativen pregled raziskav davčne skladnosti ter raziskav o merjenju stroškov davčne skladnosti, ki so osnova za izvedbo naše glavne empirične raziskave. Pregled dosedanjih znanstvenih raziskav smo razdelili v tri skupine: raziskave o merjenju stroškov davčne skladnosti ; raziskave psiholoških stroškov, ki so posledica stresa in drugih dejavnikov pri doseganju davčne skladnosti ; raziskave stresa v računovodstvu. V tretje poglavje doktorske disertacije smo vključili lastno empirično raziskavo o organizacijskih in osebnostnih dejavnikih stresa ter zdravstvenih težavah v povezavi s stresom, ki jih imajo davčni zavezanci pri doseganju davčne skladnosti. V okviru istega poglavja smo predstavili makroekonomske učinke davčne (ne)skladnosti. V četrtem poglavju smo predstavili obstoječe modele merjenja stroškov davčne skladnosti in njihovo uporabno vrednost ter predstavili lasten predlog merjenja makroekonomskih učinkov stroškov davčne skladnosti. Peto poglavje predstavlja predstavitev inštrumentov za povečanje davčne skladnosti, kjer navajamo: predpise in orodja Evropske komisije za povečanje davčne skladnosti ; druge mednarodne predpise in orodja za povečanje davčne skladnosti ; sistem ocenjevanja davčnega sistema, kaznovanje davčnih prekrškov kot inštrument za povečanje davčne skladnosti, upravljanje s tveganji davčne skladnosti in ostale inštrumente za povečanje davčne skladnosti. V peto poglavje doktorske disertacije smo vključili lastno empirično raziskavo o vrednotenju zakonodaje. V okviru istega poglavja smo predstavili še značilnosti Indeksa spoštovanja pravne države, ki se v Svetu že uporablja, ter lasten koeficient spreminjanja davčnih predpisov kot novo znanstvenoraziskovalno dognanje. Teoretičnemu delu sledi v šestem poglavju empirični del, v katerem smo predstavili raziskovalno delo. Uvodoma smo v šestem poglavju predstavili cilje raziskave, hipoteze doktorske disertacije, potek raziskave in uporabljene raziskovalne metode ter opredelili temeljne konstrukte znanstvene raziskave. ; In the introductory part we defined the research problem of the doctoral dissertation, namely, the study of the impact of Tax Complexity on Tax Compliance. We have recorded the objective, namely, the study of the field of Tax Compliance, with a special emphasis on the Costs of Tax Compliance and empirical verification of our own Model For Measuring The Macroeconomic Effects Of Tax Compliance Costs. We have established the basic thesis of the doctoral dissertation, namely, whether the reduction of the Costs of Tax Compliance causes macroeconomic effects ; In this connection, we have raised ten hypotheses. The introduction of the original scientific contributions, the assumptions and limitations were used, and the methods of research are presented used in both the theoretical and the empirical parts of the doctoral dissertation. In the second Chapter, we wrote the theoretical background in the field of Tax Complexity in relation to Tax Aggression, and presented our own definition of Tax Complexity and Tax Aggressiveness, based on scientific literature in this field. We presented the causes and indicators of Tax Complexity, and provided an exhaustive qualitative overview of the previous studies on Tax Complexity and Tax Aggression. In the second chapter of the doctoral dissertation, we included two of our own empirical researches, namely: A study on changing tax regulations, comparable for Slovenia, Austria, Great Britain, Croatia, Bulgaria, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Romania and Poland ; a survey of the prices of audit services for Slovenia. Significant new scientific research findings also present new variables of Tax Complexity, which we have identified for Public Interest Entities whose shares are listed on the organized market. The third Chapter presents the theoretical background in the area of Tax Compliance, where, using scientific literature, we presented the current Tax Compliance Theory and the types of Tax Compliance Costs. We have added our own definition of Tax Compliance. We have provided a comprehensive qualitative overview of research on Tax Compliance and research on the measurement of Tax Compliance Costs, which are the basis for conducting our main empirical research. An overview of the current scientific research has been divided into three groups: Surveys on measuring the Costs of Tax Compliance ; investigation of Psychological Costs arising from Stress and other factors in achieving Tax Compliance ; stress research in accounting. In the third chapter of the doctoral dissertation, we included our own empirical research on organizational and personality factors of stress, and health problems related to the stress that taxpayers have in achieving Tax Compliance. Within the same chapter, we presented the macroeconomic effects of Tax (non)compliance. In the fourth Chapter, we presented the existing models for measuring the Costs of Tax Compliance and their useful value, and presented our own proposal for measuring the Macroeconomic Effects of Tax Compliance Costs. Chapter 5 presents a presentation of Instruments to increase Tax Compliance, stating: European Commission Regulations and Tools to increase Tax Compliance ; other international rules and tools to increase Tax Compliance ; the system of assessing the tax system, penalizing tax offenses as an instrument for increasing Tax Compliance, managing the risks of Tax Compliance and other instruments for increasing Tax Compliance. In the fifth chapter of the doctoral dissertation, we included our own empirical research on the evaluation of legislation. In the same chapter, we also presented the characteristics of the Rule of Law Index already in use in the Council, as well as our own coefficient of changing tax regulations as a new scientific and research knowledge. The theoretical part of the trace in the sixth Chapter is the empirical part, in which we presented the research work.