Suchergebnisse

The purpose of the paper is to study the actions undertaken by the European institutions, aiming at a larger openness of resources, such as cultural works, scientific publications and educational materials, as well as to examine the motivations and results thereof. The European Union, being the area of production of a significant number of works belonging to each of the aforementioned categories, views these resources as strategic to its development. Thus it has taken diverse measures in order to maintain an appropriate balance between the public (social) interests, understood as open access to the resources, and the private interests, prioritising the protection of the owner's rights. The paper demonstrates that these actions are not uniform due to a diverse character and standing of these resources in the economy. The first instruments regarding scientific and educational resources had been implemented ten years before the implementation of legislative measures concerning the cultural products. Hence the public interests, meaning users' access, were treated as more important than the private proprietary rights.

The goal of the article is to provide on the theoretical area, above all, a legal historical and a legal comparative analyzes of the criminal-law aspects of contracting marriage in an unlawful manner. As an institution, marriage invalidity functioned both in civil law and criminal law during the interwar period. The role of the criminal law of that time was to enforce the rules following from civil law, so the legislator provided for a criminal sanction against those who violated legally protected interests. Protecting the permanence of marriage was in the interest of not only the individual but also the state. At that time marriage was becoming the basis of the family, the fundamental social structure, upon which society and the state were being built. The family was in charge of public peace and morals, therefore any violation of the permanence and indissolubility of marriage union was tantamount to attacking the rules of social intercourse, which in turn led to an erosion of statehood. Given the foregoing, this article discusses the prerequisites under the marriage law for a marriage to be challengeable, as well as penal sanctions against culprits responsible for the conclusion of a statutorily invalid marriage. The choice of the topic was dictated by the fact that the literature of the subject lacks studies of this issue. ; Celem artykułu jest historyczno-prawna oraz prawno-porównawcza analiza prawnokarnych aspektów wyłudzenia nieważnego małżeństwa w aspekcie teoretycznym. Nieważność małżeństwa w okresie międzywojennym funkcjonowała zarówno w prawie cywilnym, jak i w prawie karnym. Zadaniem ówczesnego prawa karnego było egzekwowanie zasad wynikających z prawa cywilnego, stąd prawodawca przewidział sankcję karną wobec sprawcy naruszającego dobra prawnie chronione. Ochrona trwałości związku małżeńskiego pozostawała w interesie nie tylko jednostki, lecz także państwa. Małżeństwo stawało się początkiem podstawowej komórki społecznej, jaką była rodzina, w oparciu o którą budowano społeczeństwo i państwo. Rodzina odpowiadała za spokój i moralność publiczną, dlatego naruszenie trwałości i nierozerwalności związku małżeńskiego utożsamiano z zamachem na zasady współżycia społecznego prowadzącym do osłabienia państwowości. Uwzględniając powyższe, w niniejszym artykule zostały omówione przesłanki prawa małżeńskiego warunkujące wzruszalność małżeństwa oraz sankcje karne wobec sprawców odpowiadających za zawarcie ustawowo nieważnego małżeństwa. Wybór tematu uzasadnia brak opracowania w literaturze przedmiotu niniejszego zagadnienia.

The institution of expropriation is an instrument for public authorities to actuate discharge of public tasks that are important for general needs of society. Substantive conditions of expropriation determine activities of public administrative authorities that reach for this instrument while specifying protection of ownership rights under the Polish legal system. In addition, they guarantee constitutional standards of expropriation that also include expropriation procedures regulated by statutes that protect owners' interests against excessive public legal interference with their rights. Securing rights of expropriated property owners is of paramount importance in the perspective of both standards of democratic rule of law and their compliance with axiology of the provisions of the Polish Constitution. The conclusions reached in this paper will help to assess how they fulfil the constitutional determinants of expropriation. ; Instytucja wywłaszczenia jest narzędziem w rękach władzy publicznej urzeczywistniającym realizację zadań publicznych ważnych z punktu widzenia potrzeb ogólnospołecznych. Materialnoprawne przesłanki wywłaszczeniowe determinują aktywność organów administracji publicznej w sięganiu po ten instrument, będąc jednocześnie dookreśleniem ochrony prawa własności w polskim porządku prawnym. Ponadto stanowią gwarancję dochowania konstytucyjnych standardów wywłaszczenia, przez które rozumie się także ustawowo uregulowane procedury wywłaszczeniowe, w ramach których chronione są interesy właścicieli przed nadmierną publicznoprawną ekspansją w ich prawa. Zabezpieczenie praw właścicieli nieruchomości wywłaszczanych ma ogromne znaczenie z punktu widzenia zarówno standardów demokratycznego państwa prawnego, jak i ich zgodności z aksjologią przepisów Konstytucji RP. Poczynione w niniejszym artykule ustalenia pozwolą na ich ocenę pod względem spełnienia konstytucyjnych determinantów wywłaszczenia.

The paper deals with internal conflicts, their internationalisation and a hybrid war. In the 1990s many military conflicts could have been regarded as domestic conflicts or internationalised internal conflicts. According to the authors internationalised internal conflicts and a hybrid war have much in common. The purpose of the paper is to compare and confront distinctive characteristics of internationalised internal conflicts with the model of hybrid war. The authors scrutinize definitions of an internal, domestic conflict and a hybrid war, and the possibilities and likelihood of their occurrence. Finally the issue is analysed in terms of international public law. 'Hybrid war' is a term not defined in public international law. However it is commonly used not only by media and politicians, but also by academics in a sci- entific discourse. A question arises to what extent it is justified to use a term in the context of different military conflicts, like for instance the one in the East Ukraine that has been going on since 2015. Therefore it is necessary to explain what the term 'hybrid war' means. In order to do so, it is necessary to try to define the term. Its distinctive characteristics must be indicated. Then, many military conflicts will be analysed to determine whether they satisfy the requirements for qualifying them as a 'hybrid war' or an internationalised internal conflict. The research leads to a conclusion that an internationalised internal conflict gives many opportunities for applying to it methods characteristic of a hybrid war. In the course of an internationalised internal conflict there are many ways in which the aggressor can evade international liability and the authors attempt to answer how to prevent this.

This book explores the impact of climate change on the legal situation of small island states such as Marshall Islands. Climate change-related problems of these nations touching their legal situation in a very different way than in the case of large countries threatened by economic and social consequences of sea level rise (such as Bangladesh, Vietnam, Nigeria and Egypt). Presentation of scientific forecasts is an introduction to the in-depth deliberations from the point of view of international law. According to many researchers, global sea level rise of 0,5-1 m. is highly possible in the next hundred years. Sea level rise is not the only climate-related threat experienced by small island states. Among other significant problems associated with climate change we can list tropical cyclones, floods, and droughts. Island nations must prepare for such problems on the basis of public international law. The authors draw attention to the most crucial legal challenges associated with sea level rise, such as the deterritorialization of the state, continuity of statehood, the issue of citizenship or the legal status of forced environmental migrants. The authors draw attention to the significant legal challenges (e.g. the legal status of migrants forced to leave their country of origin/residence as a result of irreversible climate change). This issue has still not been regulated by international law documents. Much attention is also being paid to the analysis of the consequences of climate change on the basis of international law of the sea. The core elements of the analysis presented in this book are, inter alia, the impact of sea level rise on Exclusive Economic Zones and fishing rights. The book is focused on the social and legal challenges facing microstates. Presented considerations may become a useful point of reference in the analysis of the problems facing larger countries affected by climate change and sea level rise.

The role and importance of international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) in solving global problems, developing human rights, democratic principles, reforms, modernizing public life and developing a global civil society is constantly increasing. INGOs have become new actors in the system of world politics and international relations. There was a need to study the activities of INGOs around the world in the field of history, law, sociology, philosophy, political science. In recent years, many INGOs have appeared in the world, and they work in all countries of the world in such priorities as ensuring human rights, freedom of speech, the economy, the social sphere, the environment, etc. Today, there is an increasing need for a comprehensive study of the activities of INGOs, trends in their increase in the number and rapid growth, influence on the domestic and foreign policies of states and in shaping the global political agenda. The emergence of global problems and the lack of strength and political will of some countries to solve them slow down the integration processes around the world. Especially, there is a need for cooperation in the issues of democratization, liberalization and modernization of public administration and public life. Therefore, today the role and participation of INGOs in solving such issues is increasing. An important result of INGO activity is constructivism and pragmatism.

Certainly, it is essential, for the shaping of public order in a state, to establish the standards of good administration and axiological basis for the legal system of administrative law, both in the formal-legal and systemic aspect and the substantive-law domain. The basic role is played by legal designatations, such as: properly understood the principle of separation of powers, the principle of the rule of law, human dignity as an axiological basis and the categorical imperative in the sphere of understanding what good administration is, the meaning of the notion of the common good, proper distribution of prime factors of the relationship the common good – human dignity. Legal security and certainty of law, the elimination of inflation of law and the relativization of fundamental values of systemic significance form are also an important element underlying good administration. It is not possible to shape the system of good administration without a properly formed public service and without continuously building its ethos. The analysis of the foundations of good administration and its durability cannot boil down only to the procedural and legal aspects. Therefore, apart from pointing to the need to constantly address the issues of the principles and standards set out in Poland in the Code of Administrative Procedure and in the Code of Good Administrative Behaviour adopted on 6 September 2001 by the European Parliament, I have decided to present this issue in another paper, while focusing herein on the fundamental axiological values symbolizing good administration. An important place in this area is taken by the problem of the individual's right to good administration, which is a consequence of recognising that the State has an obligation and responsibility to shape the optimal model of good administration and governance within the country. ; Nie ulega wątpliwości, że dla kształtowania ładu publicznego w państwie kluczowe jest ukształtowanie standardów dobrej administracji i aksjologicznych podstaw porządku prawnego, tworzącego system prawa administracyjnego zarówno w płaszczyźnie formalnoprawnej i ustrojowej, jak i materialnoprawnej. Podstawową rolę odgrywa kilka desygnatów prawnych, takich jak: odpowiednio rozumiana zasada podziału władz, zasada praworządności, godność człowieka jako aksjologiczna podstawa i imperatyw kategoryczny w sferze pojmowania dobrej administracji, znaczenie pojęcia dobra wspólnego, właściwe rozpisanie na czynniki pierwsze relacji dobro wspólne – godność człowieka. Istotnymi elementami wzmacniającymi podstawy dobrej administracji są także bezpieczeństwo prawne i pewność prawa oraz eliminowanie zjawiska inflacji prawa i relatywizacji fundamentalnych wartości mających znaczenie systemowe. Kształtowanie systemu dobrej administracji nie jest możliwe bez odpowiednio ukształtowanej służby publicznej oraz stałego budowania jej etosu. Analiza podstaw dobrej administracji i jej trwałości nie może być sprowadzona tylko do aspektów proceduralnych i formalnoprawnych. Dlatego – poza zasygnalizowaniem potrzeby ciągłego zajmowania się problematyką zasad i standardów określonych w Polsce w Kodeksie postępowania administracyjnego oraz przyjętym w dniu 6 września 2001 r. przez Parlament Europejski Kodeksie Dobrej Administracji – problematykę tę postanowiłem przedstawić w innym artykule, kładąc nacisk w niniejszym opracowaniu na fundamentalne wartości aksjologiczne symbolizujące dobrą administrację. Ważne miejsce zajmuje w tym zakresie doniosły problem prawa jednostki do dobrej administracji, co jest swoistą konsekwencją uznania, że na państwie ciąży obowiązek i odpowiedzialność związana z ukształtowaniem optymalnego modelu dobrej administracji i ładu publicznego w państwie.

In contemporary states the aims of public policy are more often met through the implementation of regulatory instruments. It appears vital then to analyse their theoretical background as well as to contextually specify the conditions of their effective implementation. The following paper aims to conduct an analysis of the regulatory instruments such as standards, soft law along with self-regulation. There are three types of regulatory standards pointed out (goal-oriented, resultative, specific). The choice of a given standard often depends on context-specific factors, and additionally it involves an important dilemma, i.e. whether they should be unified for all the subordinate entities or differentiated in terms of the given features of the regulated entities. The author analyses the so-called 'soft law' as a regulatory instrument, which is implemented both in national and international regulatory systems. The term is used within the framework of regulatory policy and holds that the aims of public policy can be met through the application of soft, and sometimes 'informal' tools, that in certain circumstances might turn out to be equally effective as typical hard regulatory tools that are subject to sanction. The article additionally aims to address the issue of self-regulation that encompasses a set of rules that economic entities have created in a voluntary way (informally) and reciprocally claim as legally binding. These can also entail formal rules (e.g. the codes of conduct) that are fully executed in courts. In the summary section it is claimed that the choice of regulatory instruments is the one that should be dependent on the level of maturity of the institutional structures functioning within an economy as well as the capacity of entities to adequately react to informative market signals.

Trójpodział władz stanowi nieodłączną cechę państwa prawa charakteryzującego ustroje demokratyczne. O odrębności władz publicznych w dużym stopniu decyduje sposób ich wyłaniania. Przeciwieństwem trójpodziału władz jest władztwo jednej osoby lub wszechwładza jednej siły politycznej. Źródłem takiej sytuacji mogą być nie tylko wydarzenia rewolucyjne (siłowe), lecz także legalnie wygrane wybory demokratyczne, na które zwycięskie ugrupowania się powołują, uzasadniając dążenia do trwałego zmonopolizowania najważniejszych instytucji wpływających na aktywność społeczno-polityczną i gospodarczą (włączając w to media publiczne oraz organizacje pozarządowe). Nawet jeżeli w wyniku obowiązujących reguł wyborczych uzyskały zaledwie kilkunastoprocentowe poparcie ogóły uprawnionych do głosowania, bezpodstawnie powołują się na "wolę suwerena", zmieniając ustawodawstwem zwykłym konstytucyjne zasady ustrojowe, Szczególnie niebezpieczne jest przykrywanie powyższych zjawisk pozornym zachowaniem trójpodziału władz i jedynie formalnym istnieniem wszystkich demokratycznych instytucji przy faktycznym ich podporządkowaniu woli politycznej pochodzącej od jednego ośrodka władzy. Takie zjawiska są sprzeczne nie tylko z podstawowymi zasadami demokratycznych państw prawa, ale zagrażają głębszym wartościom dobra wspólnego, mającego walor zbiorowy i indywidualny. Ich naruszenie zarówno bezpośrednio zagraża konstytucyjnemu ustrojowi państwa, jak i godzi w słuszne interesy poszczególnych obywateli. Warto więc dbać o to, aby rzeczywisty (a nie pozorowany) trójpodział władz nie ulegał erozji. ; The tripartite separation of powers is an inherent feature of the rule of law characterising democratic systems. The separateness of public authorities is largely determined by the way they are selected. The opposite of the separation of powers is the power of a single person or the omnipotenceof a single political power. This situation may arise not only from revolutionary (forced) events, but may also result from legally won democratic elections which the ...

Amending the Code of Administrative Procedure, the legislator decided to introduce the possibility of conducting mediation proceedings. A mediator may be a natural person who has full legal capacity and exercises full civil rights. The mediator's role is to ensure the conduct of the mediation process. They have the responsibility to stimulate the initiative of the parties by means of appropriate mediation techniques, as well as to create an appropriate climate of conversation, based on mutual trust and respect. The mediator uses procedural rights, which include: the right to read the case files and the right to remuneration and reimbursement of expenses related to mediation. The Code of Administrative Procedure also imposes procedural obligations on the mediator: it must maintain impartiality in the conduct of mediation and draw up a report on mediation. Participants in the mediation are also parties of the administrative proceedings and a public administration body. The task of the public administration body is to determine whether the arrangements made by the parties with the participation of the mediator fall within the scope of the generally applicable law.

The present monograph constitutes a constitutional study of the institution of the local government discussed through the prism of the principle of local self-government. Such an approach to the titular principle allows to consider it not only from the political and legal perspective, but also from a functional one, while the discussion oscillates around: the constitutional status of a person regarded as an individual as well as their dignity guaranteed by the Constitution, the constitutional status of a person regarded as an obligatory member of the self-government community, the status of the self-government community, the status of the national community, the status of the state, as well as the status of the underlying structures of the civil society and non-governmental organizations. The argument leads to the conclusion that the local government is an institution deeply entrenched in the structure of the civil society, and, as a result, should be guaranteed by the state the right to evolve naturally, in accordance with the evolution and maturation of the Polish civil society. As a consequence, the constitutional regulations of the local government should not constitute an inhibitive factor for the natural processes accompanying the development of the civil society. The present study could find its practical application both in cases of judicial control of the constitutionality of legislation with regard to the law on local selfgovernment, as well as judicial control over exercising and applying the law, the didactic process at the university, the day-to-day functioning of social and nongovernmental organizations as well as the bodies of local self-government agencies and councilors. Moreover, it could prove helpful in the processes of reform of the public administration and the creation of institutions for the study of the effectiveness of the creation and operation of public administration systems.

The article focuses on the theoretical and practical analysis of various levels of governance in higher education - at the systemic level, at the institutional level and at the level of public policy making in higher education system and universities. Both Poland and Ukraine are facing the common challenges of the urgent need to diminish bureaucracy at universities and to deregulate the system of higher education, which requires the necessary changes to the legal framework at the institutional and systemic levels. The article considers which tools in the process of transformation of higher education, both at the macro (governance in HES and public policy) and micro (governance and management in HEI) levels can be used in order to find effective solutions in the areas of management, governance and public policy in the higher education system. ; Artykuł poświęcony analizie teoretycznej oraz praktycznej różnych poziomów rządzenia (governance) w szkolnictwie wyższym - na poziomie systemowym, instytucyjnym i na poziomie polityki państwa wobec systemu szkolnictwa wyższego oraz uniwersytetów. Zarówno Polska, jak i Ukraina stają wobec wspólnego wyzwania konieczności odbiurokratyzowania działania uczelni i deregulacji systemu szkolnictwa wyższego, co wymaga niezbędnych zmian reguł ładu instytucjonalnego i systemowego. W artykule pokazano, jakie narzędzia w procesie transformacji szkolnictwa wyższego zarówno na poziomie makro (governance in HES i polityka publiczna), jak i mikro (governance i management in HEI) mogą być wykorzystane w celu podejmowania skutecznych rozwiązań w obszarach: zarządzanie, governance i polityka publiczna w systemie szkolnictwa wyższego.

Postfoucauldian discourse analysis is a vigorously developing approach to discourse studies focusing on the analysis of power, discourse, knowledge and social practice. This comprises studies deriving from Michel Foucault's thought, reinterpreting it, however, with the aim at application to an analysis of empirical data, also from the field of pedagogy and education. The purpose of this paper is to present main concepts and categories of postfoucauldian discourse analysis (e.g. enunciation, discursive formation, discursive practice, procedures for the control of discourse, dispositive, regime of truth) and guidelines for conducting research on the example of an analysis of chosen public texts concerning the debate on liquidation of middle schools in Poland as a result of the reform of education carried out by Law and Justice' government.

At the end of 1894, the University of Lwów announced a public competition for the position of the secretary of the university. A few months later the university received seven applications from young lawyers. As it turned out later the winner was Marceli Chlamtacz – a Roman law scholar, for whom it was one of the steps of his academic career. In the first part of the paper, I discussed, among others, circumstances of the elections and professional achievements of candidates until the time of elections. In the second one, were presented results of the elections and illustrated careers of competing lawyers that they had after 1895. Apart from M. Chlamtacz other persons famous in the later years applied for the position: Aleksander Doliński – professor of commercial law at Lwów's Jan Kazimierz University, co-author of the Polish Commercial Code; Tadeusz Bujak – judge of courts in Kraków, Vienna and Warsaw; Jan Wierzbowski – attorney and judge in Stanisławów, philanthropist and donor of the Lwów's Scientific Society; Jan Waygart – held a degree of doctor of law, specialist in military justice, Under-Secretary of State in the Ministry of Military Affairs; Jan Błeszyński – doctor of law at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków, expert in the field of theater, literature and translations. The last one who applied for the above-mentioned position was widely unknown alumni of law Kazimierz Tychowski, a Ukrainian. ; Pod koniec 1894 r. Uniwersytet Lwowski ogłosił konkurs publiczny na stanowisko sekretarza uniwersytetu. Kilka miesięcy później na uniwersytet wpłynęło siedem wniosków od młodych prawników. Po przeprowadzonej rekrutacji zwycięzcą został dr Marceli Chlamtacz, młody naukowiec zajmujący się tematyką prawa rzymskiego, dla którego był to jeden z etapów jego kariery naukowej. W pierwszej części niniejszego artykułu omówiono m.in. okoliczności wyborów i osiągnięcia zawodowe kandydatów do czasu wyborów. W drugiej zaś przedstawiono wyniki wyborów i wspomniano o późniejszych karierach prawników, po 1895 r. Oprócz M. Chlamtacza ubiegali się o powyższe stanowisko tak znane w późniejszym okresie osobistości, jak: Aleksander Doliński – profesor prawa handlowego na Uniwersytecie Jana Kazimierza we Lwowie, współautor Kodeksu handlowego; Tadeusz Bujak – sędzia sądów w Krakowie, Wiedniu i Warszawie; Jan Wierzbowski – adwokat i sędzia w Stanisławowie, filantrop i darczyńca Lwowskiego Towarzystwa Naukowego; Jan Waygart – posiadał stopień doktora nauk prawnych, specjalista w sprawach wojskowych w dziedzinie wymiaru sprawiedliwości, podsekretarz stanu w Ministerstwie Spraw Wojskowych; Jan Błeszyński – doktor prawa Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w Krakowie, ekspert w dziedzinie teatru, literatury i tłumaczeń. Ostatnim, który złożył wniosek o wspomniane stanowisko, był nieznany szerzej Kazimierz Tychowski – narodowości ukraińskiej absolwent prawa.

The author analyses the process of Europeanization in the field of public policy defining it as a systematic policy diffusion, policy transfer and policy convergence of the EU's and Western patterns of policy interventions and policy ideas as well as policy solutions. He indicates that the Europeanization – all by itself – does not guarantee the automatic improvement of policy outcome and more effective public interventions in a given country (as a way of ensuring a higher level of capacity to generate a better proportion between resources in use and benefits). The EU's public policy – as a policy activity initiated by the Union's institutions – has a different structure from that of policies on the country level, as a result, it affects them in a rather selective way. Above all, the European institutions do not have a significant influence on such a stage of policy cycle like policy implementation (except the area of legislation and its compliance with the EU law). Keywords: public policy, Europeanization, nation state ; Autor analizuje proces europeizacji w polityce publicznej. Definiuje go jako systematyczne przenikanie, a także transfer oraz konwergencję unijnych i zachodnich wzorców działania publicznego oraz pomysłów i rozwiązań problemów. Wskazuje, że europeizacja – niejako sama z siebie – nie zapewnia bezpośrednio mechanizmu podnoszenia efektywności działań publicznych w danym państwie (w sensie podnoszenia zdolności do uzyskiwania większych korzyści z wydanych środków). Unijna polityka publiczna – rozumiana jako działania inicjowane przez instytucje unijne – ma bowiem inną konstrukcję niż polityka krajowa, a tym samym oddziałuje na nią w dość selektywny sposób. Przede wszystkim instytucje unijne nie posiadają znaczącego wpływu na ten etap kształtowania polityki, jakim jest implementacja (poza kwestiami zgodności krajowego porządku prawnego z unijnym prawodawstwem).