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This article presents an approach to the public budget with a sense of humanity, eco-sustainable, which recognizes living species and nature as its subject. The reflections start from the social State under the rule of law, as a concept, as a culture, under humanistic rationality of the philosophy of the economic and budgetary sciences. Globalization, economic opening, and Neoliberalism arequestioned, not only as being responsible for the world crisis of the 1930s and the crises of the last three decades but because it was unable to respond to the crisis unleashed by the COVID 19 pandemic, where the State was finally the intervener, with an investment budget and social public spending with which it is dealing with issues of health, unemployment, poverty, economic recovery, payrollsubsidies, subsidies and budget aid, among others. From the advance, there is also the need to build consensus, in the only form of government of modernity, valid to make effective economic, social, environmental and cultural rights, that is, democracy, understood as culture, as the participation of society. In the social state under the rule of law, budgets must be autonomous, predictable, sufficient, that respect the rights of living species and nature, that is an instrument for decisions with a sense of humanity, in the face of poverty, marginality and inequality. ; En el presente artículo se adelanta un acercamiento al presupuesto Público con sentido de humanidad, eco sustentable, que reconozca como sujeto a las especies vivas y a la naturaleza. Las reflexiones parten del Estado Social de Derecho, como concepto, como cultura, bajo una racionalidad humanista de la filosofía de las ciencias económicas y presupuestales. Se cuestiona la mundialización, la apertura económica, el Neoliberalismo, no solo como responsable de la crisis mundial de los año 1930 y las crisis de las últimas tres décadas, sino porque no pudo dar respuesta a la crisis desatada por la pandemia del COVID 19, donde finalmente fue el Estado interventor, con un presupuesto de inversión y gasto público social con el que se está haciendo frente a temas de salud, desempleo, pobreza, reactivación económica, subsidio a las nóminas, subvenciones y auxilios presupuestales, entre otros. Igualmente, se colige la necesidad de construir consensos, en la única forma de gobierno de la modernidad, válida para hacer efectivos derechos económicos, sociales, ambientales y culturales, esto es, la democracia, entendida como cultura, como participación de la sociedad. Se concluye que, en el Estado Social de Derecho los presupuestos deben ser autónomos, previsivos, suficientes, que respeten los derechos de las especies vivas y la naturaleza, que sea un instrumento para decisiones con sentido de humanidad, frente a la pobreza, la marginalidad y la desigualdad ; Este artigo apresenta uma abordagem do orçamento público com um senso de humanidade, eco-sustentável, que reconhece as espécies vivas e a natureza como seu tema. As reflexões são baseadas no Estado social de direito, como um conceito, como uma cultura, sob uma racionalidade humanista da filosofia das ciências econômicas e orçamentárias. A globalização, a abertura econômica e o neoliberalismo são questionados, não apenas porque são responsáveis pela crise mundial dos anos 30 e pelas crises das últimas três décadas, mas também porque foram incapazes de responder à crise desencadeada pela pandemia da COVID 19, na qual o Estado finalmente interveio, com um orçamento de investimentos e gastos sociais públicos que estão sendo utilizados para enfrentar questões de saúde, desemprego, pobreza, reativação econômica, subsídios de folha de pagamento, subsídios e ajuda orçamentária, entre outros. Da mesma forma, existe a necessidade de construir consenso na única forma de governo moderno que é válida para tornar efetivos os direitos econômicos, sociais, ambientais e culturais, ou seja, a democracia, entendida como cultura, como a participação da sociedade. Conclui-se que, no Estado social de direito, os orçamentos devem ser autônomos, previsíveis, suficientes, respeitadores dos direitos das espécies vivas e da natureza, um instrumento para decisões com senso de humanidade diante da pobreza, marginalização e desigualdade.

The article examines the legal status of legal entities of public law as participants in civil circulation. Both general and special research methods were used, which were determined by the purpose of the article, taking into account the object and subject of the research. To study the above-mentioned civil law relations in their interconnection and development, the dialectical method was used. The comparative legal method was used to analyze the world experience of legal regulation of the status of legal entities of public law in foreign legislation and the doctrine of law, in particular, in the legislation of the CIS countries. Results showed that legal entities of public law are organizations; as legal entities; have the characteristics of a legal entity: organizational unity, the presence of separate property, acting in circulation on their own behalf, independent civil liability. In addition to the general features of a legal entity, legal entities of public law also have special features that characterize them as participants in civil turnover. It was concluded that legal entities of public law are a type of legal entity, are created in the administrative order by the state and have targeted legal capacity.

SUMARIOIntroducción. 2.- Estado de derecho y Estado social de derecho. 3.- Los elementos del Estado de derecho. 4.- Las potestades públicas. 5.- La potestad reglamentaria municipal. 6. Conclusiones.RESUMEN.Dentro del Estado de derecho, cuáles potestades públicas corresponde ejercer al gobierno municipal y cuál es su importancia en la construcción de un verdadero Estado de derecho? Esta es la pregunta sobre la cual se desarrolla el presente trabajo, llegando a la conclusión de que no puede ejercerse potestad pública alguna, al margen del Estado de derecho, por lo cual es imprescindible su definición y delimitación en el orden de gobierno municipal.Palabras clave: Municipio, potestades públicas, Estado de derecho, facultad reglamentaria de los ayuntamientos. ; Under the rule of law, which is responsible for exercising publicpowers to the municipal government and what is itsimportance in the construction of a genuine rule of law? This is the question on which this work takes place,concluding that no public authority can be exercised any, outside the rule of law,which is essential to its definition and delimitation of the order of the municipalgovernment.

Abstract. This paper aims at emphasizing that there cannot be redoubts of state's lack of liability in a rule of law. To show this, the author describes the constitutional regime for the liability of state organizations and their employees. He clearly shows that the scope of liability reaches all functions (administrative, legislative, jurisdictional and constituent, inclusively),comprises any cause (both when doing or omitting to do) and any state activity (either illicit or licit), both direct and indirect (carried out by third parties). The full force and effect of judicial guardianship and the consideration of liability as a unit (as a principle of law in full which does not accept any parcelling nor separation of approaches) are required as essential hypotheses so that said liability without exclusions is true. ; Resumen. El trabajo tiene por objeto enfatizar que en un Estado de derecho no puede haber reductos de irresponsabilidad estatal. Para demostrarlo, se describe el régimen constitucional de responsabilidad de los organismos estatales y de sus funcionarios; se pone de manifiesto que el alcance de la responsabilidad se extiende a todas las funciones (administrativa, legislativa, jurisdiccional y aun constituyente), que comprende a toda causa (tanto al hacer como al omitir) y a toda actividad estatal (sea ilícita o aun lícita), tanto directa como indirecta (cumplida a través de terceros). Para que dicha responsabilidad, sin exclusiones, sea verdadera, se requieren, como supuestos imprescindibles, la plena vigencia de la tutela jurisdiccional efectiva y la consideración unitaria de la responsabilidad (como un instituto del derecho todo que no admite parcelamientos y divorcio de enfoques).

This research evaluates the financial and administrative methodology of contracting that were carried out in the period 2012-2013 by the Venezuelan national government through one of the public companies destined to the urban development for the public sector, the administrative files were examined (32 procedures of Contracting) of the selection processes carried out in 2012 and 2013, framed by the legislation in force for public contracts in Venezuela, were also subject to a review and analysis of the audited financial statements applying the theories of Amal (2006) , Fajardo (2011) and Vives (2012), it is concluded that there is a directly proportional relationship in the companies benefiting from the award and that they presented a negative trend in the financial field (horizontal analysis) with the termination or termination not to the satisfaction of contracts of works. ; En esta investigación se evalúa la metodología financiera y administrativa de contratación que se realizaron en el periodo 2012-2013 por el gobierno nacional venezolano mediante una de las empresas públicas destinadas al desarrollo urbanístico para el sector público, se examinaron los expedientes administrativos (32 procedimientos de contratación transaccionalmente) de los procesos de selección efectuados en el período 2012 y 2013, enmarcados por la legislación vigente para la contrataciones públicas en Venezuela, así mismo se sometieron a una revisión y análisis de los estados financieros auditados aplicando las teorías de Amal (2006), Fajardo (2011) y Vives (2012),se concluye que existe una relación directamente proporcional en las empresas beneficiadas con la adjudicación y que presentaron una tendencia negativa en el ámbito financiero (análisis horizontal) con la rescisión o terminación no a satisfacción de contratos de obras.

Partindo da constatação de que a moderna teoria do Direito e do Estado guarda não apenas semelhanças,mas verdadeiros paralelismos epistemológicos com as construções da Teologia, Hans Kelsenpretende desnudar o sentido ideológico que fundamenta o tradicional dualismo que separa Direito e Estado enquanto entidades autônomas. Com base nas percepções originais de Kelsen —secundadas por outras contribuições mais atuais, tais como o conceito simbólico do político desenvolvido por Claude Leforte Hans Lindahl, bem como com o auxílio da noção de teologia política de Carl Schmitt— pretendemos demonstrar a função eminentemente conservadora da estrutura dual Direito/Estado, a qual pretende subtrairdo controle jurídico parte considerável das ações do Estado, eis que se identificam com as obscuras esempre arguidas raisons d'État. Com isso, pretende-se criticar a própria legitimidade do chamado "DireitoPúblico", o qual expressaria uma tendência à fuga da regulação jurídica do poder. Por fim, com base na metodologia funcionalista inaugurada por Ernst Cassirer, institutos jurídicos como "vontade coletiva" e"interesse público" serão problematizados de modo a neles surpreender traços teológicos, conservadorese autoritários incompatíveis com a unidade conceitual e substancial posta pelo Estado de Direito. ; Considering the basic assumption that the modern Law and State theory not only bears similaritiesbut also draws true and genuine epistemological parallels to the constructions of Theology, Hans Kelsen intends to lay bare the ideological meaning that lies at the very core of the traditional dualismwhich constitutes Law and State into autonomous entities. Taking into account Kelsen's original perceptions—which are seconded by more recent contributions from Claude Lefort and Hans Lindahl's politicaland symbolic concept and from Carl Schmitt's notions on political theology— our intention is now to demonstrate the highly conservative role played by the duality of the Law/State structure, whose aim is to remove from under the sway of legal control a considerable part of the State's actions, which, in turn reflect the ever obscure and arguable raisons d´État. Here below therefore, we will analyze the very legimacy of the so-called. "Public Law", wich seems to point to a trend towards shunning the legal power regulation. Finally, based on the functional method pioneered by Ernst Cassirer, legal institutions such as "collective will" and "public interest" will be problematised, in order to ascertain whether they contain theological, conservative and authoritarian traits incompatible with the conceptual and substantial unity instrinsic to Rule of Law

DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/lrd.v34i0.1769 Revista de Derecho, Vol. 34, Nº 1, Año 2013: 133-137 ; DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/lrd.v34i0.1769 Revista de Derecho, Vol. 34, Nº 1, Año 2013: 133-137

The number of aforados has been discussed in recent times in Spain. Most authors, after saying that this procedural exception exists only exceptionably in the Comparative Constitucional Law, request a substantial decrease of its figure in our country. However, this research of Comparative Constitutional Law reveals that the aforamiento is usual in relation to the Head of State and the Government members in the European constitutionalism. By contrast, the parliamentary aforamiento is an exceptional situation. Anyway, the Comparative Constitutional Law, although useful, should not be decisive in order to take decision about the future of this privilege in our country. In this regard, it is absolutely necessary to take into account its objectives and the causational and proportionately relationship between the adopted measure (aforamiento)and the achievement of those objectives in the political, institutional and social context of the specific country. And the truth is that the arguments to justify this institution, an exception to the principle of equality, are certainly weak. ; El número de aforados en nuestro país ha sido objeto de una fuerte polémica en los últimos tiempos en España. La mayoría, tras afirmar que esta institución se prevé de forma absolutamente excepcional en los países con los que compartimos una tradición jurídica común, solicita una reducción sustancial de esta cifra. Sin embargo, este análisis de derecho constitucional comparado revela que el aforamiento es una práctica habitual con relación a los Jefes de Estado (en el marco de una responsabilidad, eso sí, muy limitada) y a los miembros de Gobierno en el constitucionalismo europeo. Sí que es excepcional, sin embargo, el aforamiento parlamentario. En todo caso, el recurso al derecho comparado, aunque útil, no debe ser el elemento decisivo en la decisión sobre el futuro de esta institución en nuestro país. En este sentido resulta inexcusable tomar en consideración los fines pretendidos por la misma y la relación de causalidad y proporcionalidad existente entre su previsión y la consecución de dichos fines en el marco político, institucional y social del país de referencia en el que se inserta. Y lo cierto es que los fundamentos para justificar su presencia en nuestro país son un tanto endebles para conducir, como conducen, a limitar el principio de igualdad ante la ley.The number of aforados has been discussed in recent times in Spain. Most authors, after saying that this procedural exception exists only exceptionably in the Comparative Constitucional Law, request a substantial decrease of its figure in our country. However, this research of Comparative Constitutional Law reveals that the aforamiento is usual in relation to the Head of State and the Government members in the European constitutionalism. By contrast, the parliamentary aforamiento is an exceptional situation. Anyway, the Comparative Constitutional Law, although useful, should not be decisive in order to take decision about the future of this privilege in our country. In this regard, it is absolutely necessary to take into account its objectives and the causational and proportionately relationship between the adopted measure (aforamiento)and the achievement of those objectives in the political, institutional and social context of the specific country. And the truth is that the arguments to justify this institution, an exception to the principle of equality, are certainly weak.

Public interest is intended to mean a consolidation of the prevailing ends of the legal and political order of a democratic state. This is a vague legal concept that generally carries the risks of confusion and manipulation. The undoubted difficulties involved in its determination often lead to it being credited (or discredited) as an ideological concept. Administrative doctrine holds that vague legal concepts do not widen administrative discretion and do not open up a route to arbitrariness. However, neither the legislator nor the administration nor the judiciary have managed to avoid the risks of indeterminacy. Perhaps the best guarantee for achieving a reasonable validation of this concept is to establish a strong relationship between public interest and democracy. Public interest as distinguished from the metaphysical idea of natural law and the common good, must be above all a democratic value, in that its definition should be in the hands of democratically legitimated power and its implementation must involve the protection and realization of a greater number of private interests. From another perspective, the crisis that always grip the concept requires us to emphasize the need for public interest to be a matter for eachs citizen, that is, the pursuit of general interest involves the ability of every citizen to put a distance between it and their private interests. ; El interés público pretende significar un compendio de los fines prevalentes de un orden jurídico y político, de un Estado democrático. Se trata de un concepto jurídico indeterminado que lleva consigo comúnmente los riesgos de la confusión y de la manipulación. Las indudables dificultades que comporta su determinación conducen frecuentemente a que sea calificado (o descalificado) como un concepto ideológico. La doctrina administrativista sostiene que los conceptos jurídicos indeterminados no amplían la discrecionalidad administrativa y no son una vía abierta a la arbitrariedad. Sin embargo, ni la legislación, ni la administración, ni el poder judicial han logrado evitar los riesgos de la indeterminación. Quizás la mejor garantía para alcanzar una razonable validación de este concepto sea establecer una relación fuerte entre interés público y democracia. El interés público, diferenciado de la idea metafísica y iusnaturalista de bien común, ha de ser ante todo un valor democrático, en cuanto su definición debe estar en manos de poderes democráticamente legitimados y su realización ha de implicar la protección y la realización de un mayor número de intereses particulares. Desde otra perspectiva, la crisis por la que siempre atraviesa este concepto obliga a enfatizar la necesidad de que el interés público sea un asunto de cada ciudadano, esto es, la búsqueda del interés general implica la capacidad de cada ciudadano de tomar distancia respecto a sus intereses particulares.

La Ley 1917 de 2018 crea el Sistema Nacional de Residencias Médicas, que regula todo lo relacionado con la situación prestacional y las condiciones en las cuales los residentes, es decir, quienes se encuentran culminando sus estudios en especialización médico-quirúrgica, llevarán a cabo su formación en las instituciones prestadoras de salud (IPS). Esencialmente, la norma tiene dos aspectos fundamentales: el contrato para la práctica formativa de residentes celebrado entre el residente y las IPS; y el fondo para su financiación, administrado por la Administradora de los Recursos del Sistema General de Seguridad Social en Salud. Por tratarse de una situación sui generis que no cuenta con antecedente legislativo nacional hasta la expedición de la ley en 2018 —norma que con posterioridad sería reglamentada mediante resoluciones y que sería objeto en junio de 2020 de la expedición de un manual operativo del Ministerio de Salud, que acogería su implementación—, resulta, entonces, importante determinar la naturaleza jurídica del contrato especial y del fondo de financiación. Para ello, se usó un método hermenéutico que parte del análisis de los antecedentes de la norma desde las experiencias latinoamericanas y la local. A partir de esto, se identificaron las características del esquema y se procedió a caracterizar el contrato especial financiado esencialmente por el Estado bajo la ley vigente, los reglamentos y el manual operativo. Asimismo, se exponen los regímenes especiales de contratación estatal categorizados bajo cuatro criterios: (i) por fondo, (ii) por la entidad, (iii) por el sector y (iv) por el contrato. Finalmente, se concluirá que tanto el contrato especial como el fondo que permitirá su financiación se tratan de regímenes especiales de contratación. ; Law 1917 of 2018 created the National System of Medical Residences, which regulates everything related to the benefit situation and the conditions in which residents, that is, those who are completing their studies in medical specializationwill carry out their training in health care institutions (IPS). Essentially, the standard has two fundamental aspects: the contract for the training of residents concluded between the resident and the IPS; and the fund for its financing, administered by the Administrator of the Resources of the General Health Social Security System. As it is a sui generis situation that does not have a national legislative precedent until the issuance of the law in 2018 -a rule that would later be regulated by resolutions and that would be the subject in June 2020 of the issuance of an operational manual of the Ministry of Health, It is therefore important to determine the legal nature of the special contract and the financing fund. To do this, a hermeneutic method was used that starts from the analysis of the background of the norm from the Latin American and local experiences. From this, the characteristics of the scheme were identified and the special contract financed essentially by the State was characterized under the current law, the regulations and the operating manual. In addition, special State procurement schemes are categorized under four criteria: (i) by fund, (ii) by entity, (iii) by sector and (iv) by contract. Finally, it will be concluded that both the special contract and the fund that will allow its financing are special procurement regimes.

The book Public Procurement and the eu Competition Law examines the relationship between these two branches of law. It presents new methodological tools, typical of competition law, in order to understand public procurement and analyzes current legislation in the European Union based on these tools. From this approach, the author studies the eu rules on public procurement and drafts some recommendations on how to make public procurement law more pro-competitive. The book uses economic analysis as its methodology to study and develop proposals. ; El libro La contratación estatal y el derecho de la competencia de la Unión Europea aborda las relaciones existentes entre estas dos ramas del derecho. Plantea herramientas metodológicas nuevas, propias del derecho de la competencia, para aproximarse a la contratación estatal y analiza la normativa vigente en la Unión Europea con base en estas. A partir de ese análisis el autor recomienda replantear el derecho de la contratación estatal para hacerlo más pro competitivo. Entre sus múltiples aciertos se puede resaltar la utilización del Análisis Económico del Derecho como herramienta para emprender su estudio y elaborar sus recomendaciones.

Land price inflation, a mechanism for wealth transfer and accumulation, has become increasingly decoupled from the population's income. This is a multi-causal process where diverse instruments of land rent generation intervene, and in which public power plays a key role in appropriation and destiny. In the context of deregulated real estate markets, such as the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Region (RMBA), the use of real estate as a financial asset tends to prevail over its use value thus restricting habitat access. Actors related to the real estate development sector are continuously innovating their strategies and products seeking profit maximization, whilst the state adjusts its urban public policies to guarantee such enterprises, disregarding the socio-urban exclusion processes foster by such dynamics and relinquishing a strategic and inclusive management of urban land. The purpose of this article is to trace some land policies implemented over the last five years in the RMBA, both in the central district and in the sprawl area, by answering the following questions: How are such policies validating this wealth transfer mechanism? How do they affect dignified habitat access? To which extent are there any initiatives to counter the resulting urban exclusion processes? ; El aumento de precio de la vivienda disociado de los ingresos de la población, en tanto mecanismo de transferencia y concentración de la riqueza, involucra formas de generación de rentas del suelo en las cuales el poder público asume un rol protagónico respecto a su destino y apropiación. En un contexto preeminentemente desregulado de los mercados inmobiliarios, como el que caracteriza a la Región Metropolitana de Buenos Aires (RMBA), el uso de la propiedad inmueble como activo de inversión continúa imponiéndose por sobre el valor de uso, reforzando las históricas restricciones de acceso a un hábitat digno. Continuamente, los actores ligados al desarrollo inmobiliario innovan en sus estrategias y productos maximizando sus ganancias, mientras que el poder público adecúa la política urbana para garantizar tales negocios, desatendiendo los procesos de exclusión socio-urbana que tales dinámicas promueven y renunciando a una gestión estratégica e inclusiva del suelo urbano. En este marco, el objeto del presente artículo es analizar una serie de políticas de gestión de suelo urbano implementadas en los últimos cinco años en la RMBA, tanto en el distrito central como en las áreas de expansión urbana, a partir de los siguientes interrogantes: ¿cómo intervienen tales políticas validando esta modalidad de transferencia de riqueza?, ¿qué efectos genera en el acceso al hábitat digno? y, ¿hasta qué punto existen iniciativas que contrarresten estos procesos asociados de exclusión socio-urbana?