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""5. Ex Plautio libri V""""6. Epistularum libri XIV""; ""7. Incertae sedis fragmenta""; ""7. P. Iuventius Celsus Titus Aufidius Hoenius Severianus""; ""1. Responsa""; ""2. Epistularum libri""; ""3. Quaestionum libri""; ""4. Commentariorum libri""; ""Additamenta.""; ""1. Veterum sententiae et libri""; ""2. Incertorum sententiae et libri""; ""3. Quae quaeruntur vel dubitantur quaeque quaesita vel dubitata sunt""; ""4. Quae recepta sunt, placuerunt, constant similiaque""; ""5. Quod �dicitur� vel �vulgo dicitur� similiaque""; ""Corrigenda et addenda""; ""Indices""

Traditionally, the quality of law is associated with observing certain principles of law making, the so-called principles of good legislation. Such a way of thinking, however, seems to be an over-simplification. Thus, the author indicates that the high-quality of legislation and the principles of good legislation are not the same. Law passed on the basis of good legislation procedures does not automatically result in the high-quality law, in particular, if one makes an assumption that the quality of law depends, above all, on legal certainty being ensured. The reflections presented here express an opinion on the immediate connection between the quality of law and the theory of law. In this perspective, thoughts on the quality of law resulted in an opinion how firmly the process of improvement in law quality is associated with the development of the theory of law. As regards the studies on the quality of law as a measure of legal certainty, three issues are pointed out in the material: 1. the quality of law from the point of view of its formation in reference to certain general social phenomena, 2. the quality of law relating to a person, 3. the quality of law in judicial activities.

"This is an edition of two manuscripts with notes taken during Samuel Pufendorf's teaching at the University of Lund in the early 1670s. The shorter manuscript consists of annotations from lectures on De jure naturae et gentium, the lengthier renders notes taken during lectures on De officio hominis et civis. The texts show Pufendorf's doctrine at the pedagogic level, as it was presented to students immediately after his books were published. The effect of that is that natural law is imbedded in religion; Biblical references are numerous compared to in the printed books. Still, many comments reflect Pufendorf's conflict with local adversaries in Lund and with Lutheran theologians in Germany. The main message, however, is that natural law, i.e. Pufendorf, should replace Aristotle as foundation for the teaching of moral philosophy"--Title page verso

The article analyzes the process of displacing law and its values from political thinking. There are many indications that law and its values are not a point of reference for contemporary politics, which results from the ongoing process of democratization. The coherence of virtues, law and politics, variously approached and variable over time, lasted in European culture for more than a thousand years. The Greek models have been adopted and consolidated by the Romans and Medieval thinkers. The breakthrough is brought by Machiavelli's writings, which radically changed the view of politics, free will, power. The nature of the state ceases to mean providing citizens with a happy life, and it begins to concern security. As a result, law becomes a tool to protect this security effectively. ; Artykuł jest analizą procesu wyparcia prawa i jego wartości z myślenia politycznego. Wiele wskazuje na to, że dla współczesnej polityki prawo i jego wartości nie stanowią punktu odniesienia, za co odpowiada trwający proces demokratyzacji. Koherencja cnót, prawa i polityki, różnie ujmowanych i zmiennych w czasie, trwała w europejskiej kulturze przez ponad tysiąc lat. Greckie wzorce zostały przejęte i ugruntowane przez Rzymian i myślicieli średniowiecznych. Przełomem stało się dopiero pisarstwo Machiavellego, który radykalnie odmienił spojrzenie na politykę, wolną wolę, władzę. Istota państwa przestaje sprowadzać się do zapewnienia obywatelom szczęśliwego życia, a zaczyna dotyczyć bezpieczeństwa. Co za tym idzie prawo staje się narzędziem służącym do tego, by owo bezpieczeństwo skutecznie zabezpieczyć.

The article presents the attitude of Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro – a key statesman and political writer in the 17th-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – toward the principle of necessitas frangit legem. At the beginning, the intellectual sources of his understanding of this principle are discussed. Two groups are referenced: one referring to the Christian legal view on necessitas and the other connected with the question of the reason of state. Then four aspects of Fredro's thought and political activity are analyzed. Firstly, his reference to necessitas treated as the justification of the amendment of the old law. Secondly, various examples of his flexible attitude toward law. All of them express Fredro's opinion on the key role of prudence in the process of applying law. Thirdly, the question of the infringement of law is discussed by referring to his concept of the exception from law and his reaction to Siciński's veto. Fourthly, it is pointed how in the context of the political conflict during the 1660s Fredro adopted a much stricter attitude toward observing the law. In the end, the conclusions state that Fredro's case is a good example of the dilemma of Polish political thought and practice of how to combine effective governance with the respect for constitutional forms. ; Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy stosunku Andrzeja Maksymiliana Fredry, jednego z kluczowych mężów stanu i pisarzy politycznych siedemnastowiecznej Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów, do zasady necessitas frangit legem. Na początku omówiono źródła intelektualne kształtujące jego rozumienie tej zasady. Wskazano na dwie grupy: związaną ze spojrzeniem chrześcijańskiej myśli prawniczej na necessitas oraz odnoszącą się do kwestii racji stanu. Analizie poddano cztery aspekty myśli i działalności Fredry. Po pierwsze, wskazano na odwołanie do necessitas jako uzasadnienia zmiany starego prawa. Po drugie, przedstawiono różne przykłady elastycznego podejścia do prawa, wyrażające opinię Fredry o kluczowej roli roztropności w procesie stosowania prawa. Po trzecie, omówiono problem naruszenia prawa, odnosząc go do Fredrowskiej koncepcji wyjątku od prawa oraz do jego reakcji na weto Sicińskiego. Po czwarte, wskazano, jak Fredro – w kontekście konfliktu politycznego lat 60. XVII w. – przyjął znacznie bardziej sztywne stanowisko wobec przestrzegania prawa. W konkluzjach stwierdzono, że przypadek Fredry stanowi dobry przykład dylematów dotyczących sposobu połączenia skutecznego rządzenia z poszanowaniem form konstytucyjno-ustrojowych, przed jakim stanęła zarówno myśl polityczna, jak i praktyka Rzeczypospolitej.

This book explores the impact of climate change on the legal situation of small island states such as Marshall Islands. Climate change-related problems of these nations touching their legal situation in a very different way than in the case of large countries threatened by economic and social consequences of sea level rise (such as Bangladesh, Vietnam, Nigeria and Egypt). Presentation of scientific forecasts is an introduction to the in-depth deliberations from the point of view of international law. According to many researchers, global sea level rise of 0,5-1 m. is highly possible in the next hundred years. Sea level rise is not the only climate-related threat experienced by small island states. Among other significant problems associated with climate change we can list tropical cyclones, floods, and droughts. Island nations must prepare for such problems on the basis of public international law. The authors draw attention to the most crucial legal challenges associated with sea level rise, such as the deterritorialization of the state, continuity of statehood, the issue of citizenship or the legal status of forced environmental migrants. The authors draw attention to the significant legal challenges (e.g. the legal status of migrants forced to leave their country of origin/residence as a result of irreversible climate change). This issue has still not been regulated by international law documents. Much attention is also being paid to the analysis of the consequences of climate change on the basis of international law of the sea. The core elements of the analysis presented in this book are, inter alia, the impact of sea level rise on Exclusive Economic Zones and fishing rights. The book is focused on the social and legal challenges facing microstates. Presented considerations may become a useful point of reference in the analysis of the problems facing larger countries affected by climate change and sea level rise.

This article seeks to identify and detail the most important determinants that shaped the position of Poland's President in the system of governance during the country's period of transformation extending from 1989 through to 1997. The conditioning presented determined the position of the office of President by reference to four legal instruments, i.e. the new proposal of April 1989, the 1990 Act on universal suffrage in electing the President of the Republic of Poland (Ustawa o powszechnych wyborach prezydenta RP), the so-called "Small Constitution" of 1992, and the (still-binding) 1997 Constitution of the Republic of Poland. It is claimed here that this conditioning underpinning the establishment of the post of President within Poland's system of governance, on the basis of these different instruments of law, remained similar (sometimes in fact identical), with the overriding, repeated determinant being the political situation at the given time.

The study is the result of a legal comparative analysis of the directions of reforms in the administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy: Poland, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Croatia, Serbia, Hungary, Ukraine, Georgia and Kazakhstan. The analysis was carried out with reference to the patterns developed in old European democracies, mainly in Austria and Germany. Papers on reforms of the administrative judiciary in each of these countries were delivered at the international scientific conference: Reforms of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy (10–11.06.2021, Faculty of Law and Administration, University of Lodz). They focused on three issues: 1) contemporary challenges of the rule of law and administrative judiciary, 2) directions of changes in the national systems of administrative judiciary, 3) the future of administrative judiciary. The content of the study refers to this system of issues, which reflects the stages of development of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy. The conclusions drawn from the analysis show the results of reforms at each of these stages – from the constitutionalization of the rule of law, through the independence of the court-administrative procedure, to the stage of the present, extremely difficult challenges, not only of a procedural nature. ; Opracowanie stanowi wynik prawnoporównaczej analizy kierunków reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji: Polski, Czech, Litwy, Chorwacji, Serbii, Węgier, Ukrainy, Gruzji i Kazachstanu, w nawiązaniu do wzorów wypracowanych w starych demokracjach europejskich, głównie w Austrii i Niemczech. Wygłoszone na międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej: Reformy sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji (10–11.06.2021r. WPiA UŁ) referaty na temat reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w każdym z tych państw koncentrowały się na trzech zagadnieniach: 1) współczesne wyzwania praworządności a sądownictwo administracyjne, 2) kierunki przemian w krajowych ...

The author's goal is to determine the consequences of implementing treaty solutions concerning public debt to the Polish Constitution and to define the differences between the methodology of counting public debt in the European Community and Polish legal order. The raised issues concern important problems from the substantive and practical point of view, therefore the study's content is important for science and practice. The research methodology was based on the analysis of the EU and Poland's normative solutions, opinions expressed in the international and national literature on the subject, and the case law of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal. The paper applies mostly the dogmatic-analytic and legal-comparative method with reference to available statistical data on Poland's public debt. The study allowed the author to gain an understanding of the significance of fiscal rules implemented at the EU level to ensure stability. Article 216(5) of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland indicates that the treaty solutions regarding the reference value (public debt-to-GDP ratio) were reenacted. However, until this day, the EU and Poland's debt measurement methods do not fully correspond. In order to counteract excessive debt incursion, a state is required to take not only efficient actions but also ones that are adequate and, to some extent, flexible. This is an expression of acceptance of the EU's preventive assumptions. However, there is still no full correlation in the methodology of calculating public debt in the EU and the Republic of Poland.

The category of the system of government in Poland requires reference to 'the governance style' of the right, and to the tendency that has appeared in international politics in recent years to call it populist nationalism. The objective of this paper is to show that in the case of Poland after 2015, the thesis of the retreat of democracy has no factual grounds, and it can be countered through the use of evidence. The system of government in Poland after the Law and Justice party came to power cannot be described as a contradiction to democracy. Citizens are not being manipulated and deceived. They are aware of the content of decisions made by the executive branch. The opposition is able to act freely, and it is supported by independent private media. There are many veto points in the political system. The government can count on public support that is stronger than that of the governments from the period before 2015.

The aim of the article is to present state aid instruments used during the COVID- 19 pandemic, as well as to describe general regulations concerning the admissibility of granting state aid, including the provisions of primary and secondary law, the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union. In addition, the article presents of soft law regulations regarding the admissibility of state aid (Temporary framework) and describes Polish aid programs for enterprises affected by the coronavirus pandemic. At the end of the article, reference was made to the types of aid instruments used and the selection of supported sectors. Research has shown a limited use of tax instruments as well as a fairly high concentration among aid granted state aid (central government administration and government agencies). At the same time, the selection of the supported sectors was not a planned economic program. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie instrumentów pomocy państwa wykorzystywanych w trakcie pandemii COVID-19, a także opis ogólnych regulacji dotyczących dopuszczalności udzielania pomocy państwa, w tym zapisów prawa pierwotnego i wtórnego oraz orzecznictwa Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej. Dodatkowo w artykule przedstawiono regulacje prawa miękkiego dotyczące dopuszczalności udzielania pomocy państwa (tymczasowe ramy) oraz opisano polskie programy pomocowe dla przedsiębiorstw dotkniętych skutkami pandemii koronawirusa. W końcu artykułu odniesiono się do rodzajów wykorzystywanych instrumentów pomocowych oraz wyboru wspieranych sektorów. Badania wykazały ograniczone wykorzystanie instrumentów podatkowych, a także dosyć dużą koncentrację wśród podmiotów udzielających pomocy (centralna administracja rządowa i agencje rządowe). Wybór sektorów wspieranych nie miał charakteru zaplanowanego programu gospodarczego.

The study is the result of a legal comparative analysis of the directions of reforms in the administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy: Poland, the Czech Republic, Lithuania, Croatia, Serbia, Hungary, Ukraine, Georgia and Kazakhstan. The analysis was carried out with reference to the patterns developed in old European democracies, mainly in Austria and Germany. Papers on reforms of the administrative judiciary in each of these countries were delivered at the international scientific conference: Reforms of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy (10–11.06.2021, Faculty of Law and Administration, University of Lodz). They focused on three issues: 1) contemporary challenges of the rule of law and administrative judiciary, 2) directions of changes in the national systems of administrative judiciary, 3) the future of administrative judiciary. The content of the study refers to this system of issues, which reflects the stages of development of administrative judiciary in the countries of young democracy. The conclusions drawn from the analysis show the results of reforms at each of these stages – from the constitutionalization of the rule of law, through the independence of the court-administrative procedure, to the stage of the present, extremely difficult challenges, not only of a procedural nature. ; Opracowanie stanowi wynik prawnoporównaczej analizy kierunków reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji: Polski, Czech, Litwy, Chorwacji, Serbii, Węgier, Ukrainy, Gruzji i Kazachstanu, w nawiązaniu do wzorów wypracowanych w starych demokracjach europejskich, głównie w Austrii i Niemczech. Wygłoszone na międzynarodowej konferencji naukowej: Reformy sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji (10–11.06.2021 r. WPiA UŁ) referaty na temat reform sądownictwa administracyjnego w każdym z tych państw koncentrowały się na trzech zagadnieniach: 1) współczesne wyzwania praworządności a sądownictwo administracyjne, 2) kierunki przemian w krajowych systemach sądownictwa administracyjnego, 3) przyszłość sądownictwa administracyjnego. Treść opracowania nawiązuje do tego układu zagadnień, który odzwierciedla etapy rozwoju sądownictwa administracyjnego w państwach młodej demokracji. Płynące z przeprowadzonej analizy wnioski pokazują wyniki reform na każdym z tych etapów – od konstytucjonalizacji zasady praworządności, przez usamodzielnienie się procedury sądowoadministracyjnej, aż po etap obecnych, niezwykle trudnych wyzwań nie tylko procesowej natury.