Suchergebnisse

BACKGROUND: Globally, LGBT+ people continue to struggle to achieve full realization of their human rights. Amid reported health and mental health disparities, and economic insecurity, we conducted a scoping review to explore the breadth of the literature, map and summarize the evidence, and identify knowledge gaps on LGBT+ inclusion and human rights in Thailand. METHODS: We conducted a scoping review in accordance with the methodology developed by the Joanna Briggs Institute and PRISMA-ScR guidelines. We systematically searched 16 databases for peer-reviewed literature, and government and nongovernmental organization websites for grey literature, published in English or Thai from January 1, 2000–August 21, 2020. Two reviewers independently screened studies according to pre-set criteria. We abstracted and analyzed data on publication characteristics and focal populations, and synthesized findings in six domains of LGBT+ inclusion: political and civic participation, education, family, personal security and violence, economic well-being, and health. RESULTS: The review captured 3327 results in total, which was scoped to 76 peer-reviewed articles and 39 grey literature sources, the majority published after 2010. Gay men and transgender women were the primary focal populations in the peer-reviewed literature, LGBT+ people as a whole in the grey literature. Health was the predominant domain across publications. Key findings include the absence of generalized antidiscrimination legislation for LGBT+ individuals and lack of recourse for transgender individuals to change their legal gender; multifaceted stigma and discrimination in the educational system; social isolation and exclusion in families; disproportionate prevalence of sexual violence and reluctance to report to police; discrimination and marginalization in employment; and LGBT+ disparities in health and mental health. CONCLUSIONS: Future research and programmatic initiatives on LGBT+ inclusion in Thailand should aim to address: 1) understudied ...

This article presents an exploratory literature review of scientific publications (from 2000 to 2020) to identify how public policies for the LGBT population in Brazil are being discussed. The findings indicate that this subject is still emerging in the field of public administration. The study identified two distinct approaches used in the literature: articles that rely on the stages of the public policy cycle and articles based on the queer perspective. The articles identified that the main barriers to LGBT public policies in Brazil were: the lack of laws to protect the rights of this population; miscommunication between the state and civil society; budget shortage for the plans and programs; and lack of political representation. In addition, it was possible to observe that the articles converge when they refer to the presence and advancement of conservatism, specifically when it comes to religious segments, characterizing it as a common barrier to enforce LGBT rights. ; Este artículo presenta una revisión exploratoria de la literatura de publicaciones científicas (de 2000 a 2020) para identificar cómo se están discutiendo las políticas públicas para la población LGBT en Brasil. Los resultados indican que esta discusión aún está en desarrollo en el campo de estudio de la administración pública. Fue posible identificar dos enfoques distintos que tipifican los textos en dos categorías principales: artículos que se basan en las etapas del ciclo de las políticas públicas y artículos basados en la perspectiva queer. Las principales barreras presentadas en los artículos a las políticas públicas LGBT en Brasil fueron: la falta de leyes que protejan los derechos de esta población; mala comunicación entre el Estado y la sociedad civil; escasez de presupuesto para los planes y programas; y falta de representación política en el entorno LGBT. Además, se observó que los artículos convergen cuando se refieren a la presencia y el avance del conservadurismo, específicamente cuando se trata de segmentos religiosos, lo que se caracteriza como una barrera común para hacer cumplir los derechos LGBT. ; Este trabalho apresenta uma revisão exploratória da literatura sobre publicações científicas (entre os anos 2000 e 2020) a fim de identificar como as políticas públicas voltadas à população LGBT no Brasil estão sendo discutidas. O levantamento realizado aponta que tal discussão ainda se apresenta de forma emergente no campo de administração pública. Foi possível identificar no corpus da pesquisa dois eixos de abordagem sobre os quais os textos podem ser tipificados: aqueles com discussão centrada em etapas do ciclo de políticas públicas e outros com debate apoiado na perspectiva queer. Os principais pontos apresentados como entraves às políticas públicas LGBT no Brasil foram: a falta de leis que resguardem os direitos dessa população; falhas na interlocução entre Estado e sociedade civil; falta de previsão orçamentária para os planos e programas; e falta de representação política no meio LGBT. Além do já exposto, foi observada convergência entre os artigos ao se referirem sobre a presença e avanço do conservadorismo, especificamente aquele protagonizado por segmentos religiosos, caracterizando-o como habitual empecilho na efetivação dos direitos LGBT.

This study aims to find out and explain how Indonesian people respond to LGBT behavior practices, how is the concept of Fulfillment of Human Rights in Indonesia for every citizen, how is human rights adopted and in accordance with the context to Indonesia ?, In this study, the author uses an approach case (case approach) and supplemented with literature review. This research is descriptive analytic, which is a method of collecting data and then analyzed using cases, coupled with reference books, legislation, and internet sources to support research. The results showed that the Indonesian people recognized the existence of LGBT that developed in other countries, including its presence in Indonesia, but Indonesian people who were based on religious values and values that lived and developed society could not accept LGBT behavioral practices. Fulfillment of the rights of every citizen does not necessarily without restrictions, including in terms of LGBT practice behavior, the state can provide restrictions in accordance with what has been stipulated in the law, which contains values that live in society. Human rights adopted by Indonesian citizens are limited (particular) not infinite (universal) as has been practiced by western countries.

LGBT/Q film festivals are an integral part of the social practice of queer film culture. They are places where social, political and economic discourses intersect and where LGBT/Q identities, representation through film, definitions of queer cinema, community and global queer politics are negotiated. The festivals themselves are constantly responding to the changing surroundings and demands from stakeholders such as their audience base, the communities they want to serve, and economic and political stakeholders. The versatile, ever evolving form of the festival speaks to its performative formation. Therefore, the concepts of performativity, the performative and performance lend themselves to the analysis of the mechanisms and processes at play there. This study, situated at the intersection of film and media studies, sociology and queer theory, builds its arguments on the interdisciplinary field of film festival studies, and sets out to argue for the value of applying the concepts of the performative, performativity and performance to the study of film festivals in general, and LGBT/Q film festivals in particular. As the discussion of the concepts in chapter 1 show, the performative as developed by Austin in language philosophy and its further transposition to performativity in the theorizations of philosophy and literature by Derrida, for gender/queer theory by Butler, and performance for ethnography by Turner, and in theater/performance studies by Fischer-Lichte and McKenzie provides a versatile analytical arsenal for the analysis of film festivals. At the same time it is highly compatible with other existing concepts and theorizations such as event, public sphere, and networks and flows that have already been canonically applied to festival studies. In chapter 2, I mobilize the historical dimension of the performative to discuss the formation of LGBT/Q film festivals and their circuit. There, I sketch out the historical development of the LGBT/Q film festival while paying attention also to the larger social, political, geographic, and economic contexts. The discursive historiography is accompanied by an empirical one, where I analyze the growth pattern and global spread of the LGBT/Q film festival circuit. Along with the global perspective, a discussion of US-American (Frameline, NewFest, MIX NYC), German (Lesbisch Schwule Filmtage Hamburg, Verzaubert, Berlinale Teddy Award) and Austrian (identities) case studies provides further depth in understanding the evolution of the festivals and the circuit. Having drawn a broad picture of the circuit in chapter 3, I zoom in to look at a number of specific incidents of disruption and boycotts as case studies to unravel the different layers in which LGBT/Q film festivals as instances of queer film culture are performed (or failed). In this chapter I mobilize mainly perspectives of performativity and performance from ethnography and performance studies. These are put in synch with concepts such as public spheres, audience address, and event culture in three steps: selection, exhibition, and reception. Under the heading of selection, I discuss the performance of queer cinema as it becomes visible in the practices of selection of films and their programming at LGBT/Q film festivals. There I discuss various processes involved in programming, ranging from pre-selection, to screening committees, to programming strategies. Two historical incidents from the history of Frameline, the "Lesbian Riot" and the "Genderator" incident, serve as examples of how programming directly interrelates with identity negotiations. In the section on exhibition, I turn to the performative architecture of an LGBT/Q film festival by shedding light on the event itself, which follows specific scripts and rituals. In the last section on reception, I look at the corresponding side of these processes and look at the audience. Here, I discuss the formation of a counterpublic sphere, audience address, and the specific reception context of a festival. Two further festival boycotts are presented to analyze how LGBT/Q film festivals operate as queer counterpublic spheres that activists utilize for political intervention. The last section discusses the communal experience of collective viewing and the impact on the formation of a festival community. With this take on audiences, community and reception contexts, the chapter returns to the question of how LGBT/Q film festivals are an integral part of the practices of queer film culture, which was raised in the introduction. In the concluding outlook to the study I propose three further research trajectories. While the study mostly relied on conceptions of performativity and performance in the sense developed in ethnography, gender/queer theory and performance studies, another aspect of performance can be productively brought to bear on the subject of (LGBT/Q) film festivals: performance in the economic sense of efficiency and achievement.

Preprint ; Much of the body of literature on LGBT+ populations within the United States place urban areas and so-called "gayborhoods" as goals and eventualities, paralleling early U.S. studies on immigration. Using a multi-stage, mixed-methods approach, consisting of secondary analysis of the Pew 2013 Study of LGBT Persons (N=1,197) and in-depth interviews (35 gay men, 2 trans-identifying individuals, 1 heterosexual woman, and 2 lesbians), we found that rural LGBT+ residents engaged in both short-term and long-term travel to mitigate feelings of being spatially segregated from the loci of gay social life--what Ghaziani (2019) refers to as cultural archipelagos. However, rural residents also used their geographical location to resist dominant narratives about LGBT+ life. Some of our respondents felt that living in rural areas better situated them to be activists and advocates for LGBT+ rights, while others simply did not feel they could be comfortable within more urban contexts. These findings suggest that rural LGBT+ residents may have delinked their sexual selves with their cultural and political selves, thus illustrating the plurality of rural queer voices that exists. As we also argue, while residence category should be considered as influencing one's experience, care must be used to avoid overly deterministic accounts. Finally, this paper extends earlier work by Brekhus (2003), Mattson (2015), Ghaziani (2019) by presenting the meaningfulness of travel to and from queer cultural strongholds.

The present study evaluates the correlations between sexism, homonegativity, binegativity, pro-trans attitudes, political affiliation, contact with LGBT individuals and perceived stigma among psychology students. A study was conducted with 655 cis women (471 heterosexuals, 179 bisexuals and lesbians) and 174 cis men (120 heterosexuals, 54 bisexuals and gays). Descriptive, multivariate analysis of variance, bivariate correlations and multiple regression were used. In general, the groups of men and heterosexuals obtained higher negativity scores and lower acceptance scores, with significant correlations being more frequent in the heterosexual group. Predictive models confirmed the literature on social and ideological conservatism.

This dissertation aimed at examining the achievements of the Federal Government of Brazil for lesbians, gays, bisexuals and transsexuals (LGBT), comparing the public policies established by the administrations of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Lula (2003-2010) to that community. This study particularly focused on investigating the factors responsible for the progressive reforms made by those governments in order to recognize the human rights of LBGTs in Brazil, and analyzing the relationship between the state and the LGBT Movement, the roles played and discourses employed by each of these actors in those reforms. Attention was also given to the social, economic and political conjuncture of the country, as well as the structures within the government and potential international and transnational influences. The research methods employed were Content Analysis and Discourse Analysis and the objects of my analyses were the following policies: Programa Nacional DST/AIDS, Programa Nacional de Direitos Humanos I, II and III, Programa Brasil sem Homofobia and the Plano Nacional LGBT. The data used were the actual content of those policies, official reports, speeches and articles, existing literature on the topic, as well as interviews performed by me and another author with LGBT activists and government officials. My study revealed that these activists introduced a rights-based discourse in their state-directed strategies which heavily influenced the government's response to the AIDS crisis, with the incorporation of activists as executors of state policies. As a result of the steady engagement between these two actors, activists were able to expand the scope of the government's actions from the health domain to the human rights field. Ultimately, the government turned activists into policy makers and progressively recognized LGBT rights in the public policy domain through discourses of human rights and full citizenship.

ABSTRACT The purpose of this study is to discuss the meaning of sex and gender orientation is for LGBT, to analyze it the discourse of Foucault and Freud's sexuality, then whether countries have provided a sense of security and social security relating to the identity of LGBT people. Indonesian people tend to have homophobic attitudes towards LGBT. This discriminatory attitude from the community comes because of insufficient language to interpret one's gender identity. The language that is mastered by Indonesian people are binary, male or female, if it is not included in the grouping it will be considered abnormal as LGBT gender identity. This research method by analyzing the literature that the author summarizes and uses the discourse of Foucault and Freud's sexuality. The results of this study that LGBT still experience discrimination in the community, while the Constitution is not yet able to protect the problem of discrimination. The conclusions from the results of the analysis and a collection of several research results which the author summarizes, clearly say that Indonesia is a country that does not protect and does not guarantee the rights of LGBT people. Keywords: LGBT,Politics of Sexuality, State Policy.

The European Union (EU) praises itself for being a promoter of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights in the world. It supports LGBT organisations abroad with the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR). Yet, the EIDHR has come under scrutiny by scholars arguing that it is based on neoliberal rationalities and depoliticises civil society. The literature analyses the EU's documents but does not study funding in practice. Moreover, it has a narrow understanding of politicisation failing to include insights from feminist and queer literature. To problematize the EU's policy, we need to analyse it in the sites it intervenes in. It is unclear whether and how the EIDHR depoliticises LGBT organisations and issues. Studying the case of Turkey, I argue that the EU's support of LGBT organisations had ambiguous effects which are not necessarily the ones intended by the EU nor the ones expected by the governmentality literature. The EU's funding depoliticised the organisations in the sense that they looked less political and more transparent. Yet, this helped making LGBT rights' claims more legitimate within Turkey's political struggles. At the same time, EU funding created conflicts within the LGBT movement about the question of Western external funding and neoliberal co-optation.

The paper discusses planning policies and urban politics, their relation to LGBT communities in the city, and their potential to promote spatial justice within the local planning policies. The paper briefly reviews the main theoretical issues discussed in the literature regarding the connection between planning and sexuality. It also reviews three theoretical concepts of justice that relate to planning policy and urban politics: distributive Justice, procedural justice and recognition. The case study of the Gay Center at Tel Aviv's Meir Park is analyzed with reference to these three spatial justice concepts. The main argument is that the center is a clear example of distributive and procedural justice. However, when we analyze this case study in light of the concept of recognition, the findings are somewhat ambiguous. On the one hand, the case of the Gay Center indicates growing recognition of Tel Aviv's LGBT community. On the other hand, a queer analysis shows that this recognition is partial as it is limited to certain parts of the community and to spaces frequented by LGBTs in Tel-Aviv. ; El document discuteix les polítiques de planificació i la política urbana, la seva relació amb les comunitats LGBT a la ciutat i el seu potencial per promoure la justícia espacial dins de les polítiques de planificació locals. El document revisa breument els principals temes teòrics tractats a la literatura sobre la connexió entre planificació i sexualitat. També es revisen tres conceptes teòrics de justícia relacionats amb la política de planificació i la política urbana: la justícia distributiva, la justícia processal i el reconeixement. L'estudi de cas del Centre Gai al Parc Meir de Tel-Aviv s'analitza amb referència a aquests tres conceptes de justícia espacial. L'argument principal és que el centre és un clar exemple de justícia distributiva i processal. No obstant això, quan analitzem aquest cas a la llum del concepte de reconeixement, les conclusions són una mica ambigües. D'una banda, el cas del Centre Gai indica un reconeixement creixent de la comunitat LGBT de Tel-Aviv. D'altra banda, una anàlisi queer mostra que aquest reconeixement és parcial, ja que es limita a certes parts de la comunitat i als espais freqüentats per LGBT a Tel-Aviv. ; El documento analiza las políticas de planificación y las políticas urbanas, su relación con las comunidades LGBT en la ciudad y su potencial para promover la justicia espacial dentro de las políticas de planificación local. El artículo revisa brevemente los principales temas teóricos discutidos en la literatura con respecto a la conexión entre planificación y sexualidad. También revisa tres conceptos teóricos de la justicia que se relacionan con la política de planificación y las políticas urbanas: la justicia distributiva, la justicia procesal y el reconocimiento. El estudio de caso del Centro Gay en el Parque Meir de Tel-Aviv se analiza con referencia a estos tres conceptos de justicia espacial. El argumento principal es que el centro es un claro ejemplo de justicia distributiva y procesal. Sin embargo, cuando analizamos este estudio de caso a la luz del concepto de reconocimiento, los hallazgos son algo ambiguos. Por un lado, el caso del Centro Gay indica un creciente reconocimiento de la comunidad LGBT de Tel-Aviv. Por otro lado, un análisis queer muestra que este reconocimiento es parcial, ya que está limitado a ciertas partes de la comunidad y a los espacios frecuentados por LGBT en Tel-Aviv. ; Le document traite des politiques de planification et des politiques urbaines, de leurs relations avec les communautés LGBT de la ville et de leur potentiel à promouvoir la justice spatiale dans les politiques de planification locales. Le document passe brièvement en revue les principales questions théoriques abordées dans la littérature concernant le lien entre planification et sexualité. Il passe également en revue trois concepts théoriques de la justice liés aux politiques de planification et à la politique urbaine : la justice distributive, la justice procédurale et la reconnaissance. L'étude de cas du Centre gay du parc Meir de Tel Aviv est analysée en référence à ces trois concepts de justice spatiale. L'argument principal est que le centre est un clair exemple de justice distributive et procédurale. Cependant, lorsque nous analysons cette étude de cas à la lumière du concept de reconnaissance, les résultats sont quelque peu ambigus. D'une part, le cas du Gay Center indique une reconnaissance croissante de la communauté LGBT de Tel Aviv. D'autre part, une analyse queer montre que cette reconnaissance est partielle, car elle se limite à certaines parties de la communauté et aux espaces fréquentés par les LGBT à Tel-Aviv.

In recent decades, "LGBT neighbourhoods" or "gay Villages" have been gaining some prominence and particular characteristics within cities, representing safe spaces for the expression and negotiation of individual and collective identities as well as for the political affirmation of LGBT communities and queer identities. As other areas that have been the main drivers of urban revitalization of inner-cities, such as cultural and creative quarters or multicultural spaces, these territories distinguish for the social practices of their users and inhabitants, the specificities of their economic activity, or their contribute to creativity or social integration. More than community ghettos, these areas have been characterized by their openness and vibrancy, enhancing the coexistence of diverse lifestyles, trajectories and identities, but also by the contribution of LGBT people to the gentrification of these districts through their strong commercial, residential and symbolic presence. Drawing upon an empirical work developed in Lisbon (Príncipe Real district) and Madrid (Chueca district), based on in-depth interviews to LGBT residents and participant observation in the two neighbourhoods, this paper characterizes the main evolutionary trajectories and specificities of these two districts. An analysis is made confronting the characteristics and contingencies of these areas with other cases previously studied in literature, identifying the existence of notable differences and suggesting evidence of significant specificities, which can represent a "South European" approach to the reality of "Gay Villages". Some generic principles for urban planning are drawn out from the analysis. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

In recent decades, "LGBT neighbourhoods" or "gay Villages" have been gaining some prominence and particular characteristics within cities, representing safe spaces for the expression and negotiation of individual and collective identities as well as for the political affirmation of LGBT communities and queer identities. As other areas that have been the main drivers of urban revitalization of inner-cities, such as cultural and creative quarters or multicultural spaces, these territories distinguish for the social practices of their users and inhabitants, the specificities of their economic activity, or their contribute to creativity or social integration. More than community ghettos, these areas have been characterized by their openness and vibrancy, enhancing the coexistence of diverse lifestyles, trajectories and identities, but also by the contribution of LGBT people to the gentrification of these districts through their strong commercial, residential and symbolic presence. Drawing upon an empirical work developed in Lisbon (Príncipe Real district) and Madrid (Chueca district), based on in-depth interviews to LGBT residents and participant observation in the two neighbourhoods, this paper characterizes the main evolutionary trajectories and specificities of these two districts. An analysis is made confronting the characteristics and contingencies of these areas with other cases previously studied in literature, identifying the existence of notable differences and suggesting evidence of significant specificities, which can represent a "South European" approach to the reality of "Gay Villages". Some generic principles for urban planning are drawn out from the analysis.

Recent world politics has witnessed the rise of a certain style of authoritarianism. It can be roughly characterized with a cult of masculine leadership, a popular rhetoric of foreign investment and development, and a phobia of the illegal immigrant made into an ethical obligation. These contradictory forms of politics – the paean to multinational corporations, free trade, and the 'bloc'-ing of power and the simultaneous mobilization of hyper-nationalism in the form of censoring books and throttling subversive aesthetic practices – characterize the conception and practice of what may be called "authoritarian democracy." Considering the democratically elected basis of this authoritarianism, it becomes all the more important to ask if democracy paves the way for it. In that case, where do we locate democracy today? Is it right to say that the real democratic space unfolds itself in people's movements and not in the electoral process? If this is the case, a radical conception of democracy would have to account for a shift of emphasis from the locus of governance to that of resistance and co-option. Historically speaking, democracy may not always be the means but it has been one of the ends for the various acts of resistance such as the working class, anti-colonial, nationalist, feminist, LGBT, or constitutional multiculturalism. In our sour and hungry times, when state aggression is overpowering the geographical marking (Russia's in Ukraine or Israel's in Palestine), or strangling the voice of internal resistance (North Eastern regions in India), not to mention religious fundamentalism, we need to rethink the old questions of democracy and resistance. With the ISIS, Boko Haram or the Taliban practice, we have seen how resistance itself can produce a dangerous authoritarianism which further complicates the relations between democracy, authoritarianism, and resistance. How do we historicize and ethically theorize resistance in relation to both democracy and an authoritarianism which borders on fascism?

Recent world politics has witnessed the rise of a certain style of authoritarianism. It can be roughly characterized with a cult of masculine leadership, a popular rhetoric of foreign investment and development, and a phobia of the illegal immigrant made into an ethical obligation. These contradictory forms of politics – the paean to multinational corporations, free trade, and the 'bloc'-ing of power and the simultaneous mobilization of hyper-nationalism in the form of censoring books and throttling subversive aesthetic practices – characterize the conception and practice of what may be called "authoritarian democracy." Considering the democratically elected basis of this authoritarianism, it becomes all the more important to ask if democracy paves the way for it. In that case, where do we locate democracy today? Is it right to say that the real democratic space unfolds itself in people's movements and not in the electoral process? If this is the case, a radical conception of democracy would have to account for a shift of emphasis from the locus of governance to that of resistance and co-option. Historically speaking, democracy may not always be the means but it has been one of the ends for the various acts of resistance such as the working class, anti-colonial, nationalist, feminist, LGBT, or constitutional multiculturalism. In our sour and hungry times, when state aggression is overpowering the geographical marking (Russia's in Ukraine or Israel's in Palestine), or strangling the voice of internal resistance (North Eastern regions in India), not to mention religious fundamentalism, we need to rethink the old questions of democracy and resistance. With the ISIS, Boko Haram or the Taliban practice, we have seen how resistance itself can produce a dangerous authoritarianism which further complicates the relations between democracy, authoritarianism, and resistance. How do we historicize and ethically theorize resistance in relation to both democracy and an authoritarianism which borders on fascism?

Vulnerability is a broad concept widely addressed in recent scholarly literature. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people are among the vulnerable populations with significant disadvantages related to health and the social determinants of health. Medical ethics discourse tackles vulnerability from philosophical and political perspectives. LGBT people experience several disadvantages from both perspectives. This article aims to justify the right to health for LGBT people and their particular claims regarding healthcare because they belong to a vulnerable group. Rawls' theory of justice and Norman Daniels' normal functioning approach will be discussed in this context. Despite the fact that the right to health can be justified by Daniels' normal functioning approach, there is still a theoretical gap in justifying the right to health for particular vulnerable populations such as LGBT peopleand discussing society's duty to compensate for these disadvantages. In search of solid theoretical grounds for the justification of the right to health for LGBT people, the present author takes the opportunity to utilize Daniels' flexible definition of normal functioning to show that normal functioning not only varies by age but also by different states of human existence, including sexual orientation and gender identity, and to propose replacing the life span approach with normal states of human existence.