Suchergebnisse

The breakup of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991 had significant repercussions on Chinese politics, foreign policy, and other aspects. In this book, Jie Li examines the evolution of Chinese intellectual perceptions of the Soviet Union in the 1980s and 1990s, before and after the collapse. Relying on a larger body of updated Chinese sources, Li re-evaluates many key issues in post-Mao Chinese Sovietology, arguing that the Chinese views on the Soviet Union had been influenced and shaped by the ups-and-downs of Sino-Soviet (and later Sino-Russian) relations, China's domestic political climate, and the political developments in Moscow. By researching the country of the Soviet Union, Chinese Soviet-watchers did not focus on the USSR alone, but mostly attempted to confirm and legitimize the Chinese state policies of reform and open door in both decades. By examining the Soviet past, Chinese scholars not only demonstrated concern for the survival of the CCP regime, but also attempted to envision the future direction and position of China in the post-communist world

Part I of this study deals with the evolution that happened in the official Egyptian conception of the Israeli nuclear capacity and the Egyptian reaction to it. Part II views the changes that have influenced the Egyptian behavior and their consequences especially in the eighties. Part III explains the impact of some defined factors on the Egyptian nuclear option. (DÜI-Sdt)

Behandelt werden u.a. folgende Themen: Rechtliche Konfrontation von Terrorismus in ägyptischer und italienischer Rechtsprechung; Dimensionen des Terrorismus; islamische politische Bewegungen; Iran und radikale politische Gruppen im Nahen Osten; Sudan und die islamische Bewegung; Islamisten und bewaffnete Gewalt in Algerien; die Krise zwischen Libyen und dem Westen; religiöse Gewalt in Marokko; Afghanen und Araber - grenzüberschreitende Gewalt. (DÜI-Sdt)

Zehn Beiträge zu den Menschenrechten in der internationalen und arabischen Politik, die sich sowohl mit Fragen der Ideologie, der Ethik, des internationalen Systems, der internationalen Bewegungen, den Ost-West-Beziehungen, der politischen Umwälzungen als auch der Natur der arabischen Staaten, des palästinensischen Befreiungskampfes, der Bemühungen um Menschenrechte und um gemeinsame Abkommen beschäftigen. Zum Abschluß ein Bericht über das erste Symposium über Menschenrechte in Ägypten. (DÜI-Sdt)

This study deals with the basic principles that underlie the Turkish security policy, since the end of the 2nd World War. The author analyses some of the security problems dealt with by the Turkish government in the seventies and eighties, with a focus on the internal economic problems. In reviewing its security policy, Turkey faces difficult options: the independent line versus NATO, the Non-Aggression Treaty with the Soviet Union, either a non-alignment stands or a leaning towards the Middle Eastern or Islamic trends. The author concludes that Turkey will not take any of these options in the near future, but, more probably, will only put some gradual modifications to its original path. (DÜI-Sdt)

Hikama (Governance) is a peer reviewed academic journal published by the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies and Doha Institute for Graduate Studies (p-ISSN: 2708-5805), (e-ISSN: 2708-5813). Hikama seeks to broaden the understanding of the fields of public policy and public administration in the Arab World and reinvigorate the political and social elements of public policy. It is a space for academic thought and discussion on what Arab governments - with their values, institutions, and public bodies - are doing, and should aspire to do in order to nurture politically modern and socially just Arab societies. -- AHMED MOHSEN Doctoral candidate, Faculty of Political Science and International Relations, Sabahattin Zaim University, Turkey. Email: abdelrahman.ahmed@std.izu.edu.tr ; تحاول هذه الدراللسة الإجابة عن اللسؤال التالي: لماذا اختلفت الستجابة الأجهزة البيروقراطية والتنفيذية عند تصميم اللسياسات الصحية وتنفيذها تجاه أزمة جائحة فيرولس كورونا المستجد (كوفيد19) في دول تبدو متشابهة، كونها تملك ميراثا من المركزية والأنظمة الرئالسية، كما همي الحال في مصر وتركيا؟ وتنطلق فرضية الدراسة الرئيسة من أن الأزمة في بدايتها أعطت ملساحة أكبل للوزراء التنفيذيين والتكنوقراط والأجهزة البيروقراطية المتخصطة فمي اللسيالسات الطحية والوبائية للمساهمة بشكل أكبر فمي 'لاكلملم اللسياسات الطحية لمواجهة هذا الوباء، لكن الستمرار هذه الملساحة والستكمال تلك الأدوار ارتبط بعد ذلك بمدم توافر "القدرة السياساتية" التي تتيح لهؤلاء المسؤولين ذلك. تظهر الدراسة من خلال دراسة الحالة التركية والمصرية بصورة مقارنة، أنه كلما كانت الدولة أكثل مركزية، وكانت للأزمة التمي تواجهها طبيعة خاطة وغير مسبوقة، ولديها فمي الوقت نفسه قدرات سياساتية أعلل فمي تصميم السياسات، فإن هذا يساهم فمي تعزيز دور الخبراء والبيروقراطيين في تطميم اللسيالسات عل حلساب اللسيالسيين. ; This paper seeks to answer the following question: Why have the bureaucracies and executive arms of two highly centralized presidential regimes – Egypt and Turkey – produced such different responses to the Coronavirus crisis? Its basic hypothesis is that while the crisis did initially provide scope for ministers, technocrats and bureaucrats specialized in public health to play a greater part in making health policy, their ability to maintain this newfound influence depended on their "policy capability". Through a comparison of the two case studies, this article shows that the more centralized a state is, the more unprecedented the crisis is and the more policy capability it has, the greater the role bureaucrats play at the expense of politicians.