Suchergebnisse

The Republic of China's Japan policy is a mixture of domestic politics & foreign policy. Domestic politics are more openly debated than foreign politics in China, because the latter is still strictly controlled with central decision making. However, domestic interests are affected by foreign policy. Thus, public opinion, with its economic & emotional aspects, has put pressure on foreign policy decisions &, in the last 20 years, has even intermittently threatened Sino-Japanese relations, eg, in the dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands & Taiwan. The memory of Japanese aggression & hostilities lingers in the mass media & youth-oriented publications, in particular, & threats to Chinese security surface with increases in Japanese militarism. Positive economic interests offset these negative images. Recurring incidents continue to strain policy, but the balance is more positive than negative. M. Pflum

The chapter defines & distinguishes foreign policy analysis & international politics, & discusses their origins & development as subfields. Next, the impact of constructivism on the areas, while not always acknowledged as such, is examined. Constructivism contributes to theoretical dimensions of structure, agency, rationality, institutions, & identity. Tables illustrate the application of key concepts. The chapter also summarizes important literature & debates concerning constructivism & international relations. 1 Table, 3 Figures, 50 References. K. Coddon

The chapter explores the dialectical nature of domestic politics & foreign policy in Pakistan in terms of the colonial legacy, the divorce of public input from policy making, & regional instability. While it is not suggested that public opinion has no influence on Pakistani foreign policy (especially given the wide popular support for the state's nuclear, Kashmir, & pro-Islamist positions), smaller-level ethno-spatial & temporal elements problematize the assumption of popular unanimity. Moreover, Pakistan's foreign policy objectives & priorities have proven themselves susceptible to political change, the dynamics of which are delineated in this paper. K. Coddon

Examines the purpose & influence of think tanks in public policy making in Canada, particularly during the constitutional conferences of 1992. The background information on the events leading up to the creation of the constitutional conferences provides context to the involvement of think tanks in the debate. The characteristics & roles of think tanks, including their functions & efforts to reach certain audiences, are scrutinized. The impact of think tanks on public policy is assessed. L. Collins Leigh

The political influence of the urban middle class (UMC) on US policy making is empirically investigated using a multiple-perspectives framework on policy outcomes & data from a cross-national sample of 42 urban transit agencies in large metropolitan areas. Analyses reveal the importance of the UMC on three hypothesized policy outcomes: strategic organizational effectiveness, operational efficiency, & social program effectiveness. Specifically, the greater the proportion of UMC individuals in an agency's service population, the more effective is the agency. The importance of the UMC factor over political power variables is also demonstrated for two out of the three policy outcomes. 3 Tables, 66 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The political influence of the urban middle class (UMC) on US policy making is empirically investigated using a multiple-perspectives framework on policy outcomes & data from a cross-national sample of 42 urban transit agencies in large metropolitan areas. Analyses reveal the importance of the UMC on three hypothesized policy outcomes: strategic organizational effectiveness, operational efficiency, & social program effectiveness. Specifically, the greater the proportion of UMC individuals in an agency's service population, the more effective is the agency. The importance of the UMC factor over political power variables is also demonstrated for two out of the three policy outcomes. 3 Tables, 66 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

With the implementation of the Amsterdam Treaty in 1997, justice & home affairs & police cooperation were incorporated into the First Pillar of European Union cooperation. Early initiatives such as TREVI I, II, III, & IV (1975-1992), the Single European Act (1986), & the Coordinators Group (1988) worked to increase police cooperation within the EU. The Schenegen Agreement & the Maastricht Treaty also influenced police cooperation. By the time the Amsterdam Treaty was signed, member countries were ready to implement guidelines pertaining to asylum, visa regulations, border control, & other legal issues. Today, justice & home affairs policies are included in the EU's First & Third Pillars. Europol is in operation, & the EU is expanding cooperation in lesser-degree policing areas, moving the EU closer to achieving a common legal union. K. A. Larsen

The effects of increased tensions between the People's Republic of China & Taiwan concerning the latter's sovereignty upon Taiwanese political & security policy are investigated. Two factors that have augmented resistance to Chinese-Taiwanese reunification in present-day Taiwan are identified: the Chinese state's threats of military action against pro-independence movements in Taiwan & Taiwanese politicians agitation of cross-Taiwan Strait relations as a means of enhancing their political prospects. It is asserted that these determinants have reduced the ideological differences between Taiwan's premier political parties, the Kuomintang & the Democratic Political Party, & that both parties are becoming pro-sovereignty; moreover, it is stated that these factors have likely eliminated the possibility of establishing a pro-unification movement in Taiwan. In addition to accelerating the modernization of Taiwan's military, it is shown that cross-Taiwan Strait tensions have forced the US to deepen strategic relations with Taiwan even though it continues to publicly advance a "one China" policy. References. J. W. Parker

The political challenges & implications of the emergence of international terrorism are considered. Differences between 20th century terrorist activities & those represented by the September 11, 2001, attacks are highlighted to demonstrate the more severe problems posed by new terrorism, eg, the difficulty of comprehending the motives of terrorists who do not announce demands or objectives; moreover, it is stressed that 21st century terrorism is particularly dangerous since it combines religious & political perspectives, thereby reifying fallacious West/East & good/evil dualisms on the international level. Although liberalism provides a strategy for addressing security concerns & encouraging pluralism, it is stressed that liberalism must establish proper limits on pluralism & tolerance. Regardless of the ideological approach adopted toward new terrorism, two courses of action are recommended: the separation of politics & religion & Western nations' re-engagement in negotiations with the Middle East & other countries with large Islamic populations. J. W. Parker

Michel Foucault often spoke of the political in reference to his concept of governmentality, but he also sometimes employed the term in a strongly antigovernmental sense, which betrays a certain utopianism in his theory. While his notion of governmentality is counterposed to Enlightenment understandings of the liberated self, Foucault also offers the prospect of liberation, from domination imposed both by ourselves & by others. It is suggested that Foucault's occasional embrace of this rhetoric of liberation implies that political discourse has something of a mimetic character. Thus, political thinkers would be wise not to follow Foucault in pretending that utopianism can be avoided in political discourse. Rather, they ought to acknowledge, as Foucault appears to do at times, that political critique depends on a utopian impulse. D. Ryfe

The effects of national financial & employment crises on France's child care system are studied; in addition, the impact of the crisis concerning the legitimacy of France's welfare system on child care provisions are explored. An overview of the child care system within the context of the French welfare system is presented, emphasizing the extent of women's labor participation & families' use of preschool care. It is contended that France's economic problems throughout the 1980s severely affected all social services & that the public's acceptance of certain child care services decelerated. It is claimed that the nation's unemployment problems have encouraged the French state to advocate at-home child care rather than parents' use of public child care facilities. Moreover, it is revealed that questions concerning the welfare state's legitimacy have increased local governments' role in child care policymaking. Additional attention is directed toward examining whether "free choice" policies have actually provided parents with multiple child care choices & reduced persistent gender inequalities. 2 Tables, 3 Figures, 23 References. J. W. Parker