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On June 28, 1969, a small gay bar in New York City's Greenwich Village neighborhood, The Stonewall Inn, was raided by the police. Rather than the norm of passive consent to the police, the patrons began to fight back leading to an all-out riot in the streets of lower Manhattan. The Stonewall Riot is referred to by many as the turning point in the struggle for gay rights

Published in Reviews and Critical Commentary: http://councilforeuropeanstudies.org/critcom/post-marriage-lgbt-politics-in-spain/ ; Council of European Studies

A growing minority group in the United States, the LGBT community increasingly advocates for political rights through protest movements. While some results have been attained, the group is still not fully accepted in the United States' traditional society.

Recent political debate over transgender military service and gendered bathroom use highlights a dramatic increase in salience over transgender issues in the US. In this essay, we examine a potential new front in the culture wars by reviewing recent empirical research in social science on the politics of transgender rights in the context of morality politics. Research on morality politics has often focused on LGBT rights, with an emphasis on gay and lesbian rights and little attention to transgender issues. We highlight the progress of research on transgender issues in the US, focusing on the study of attitudes about transgender people and rights, transgender rights in states and localities, and broader findings affecting transgender populations. Although there is ample research still needed, the current state of empirical social science on transgender issues has made great advancements in the past decade and shows that morality continues to shape LGBT politics and policy.

This article contributes to the growing field of research on military LGBT policy development by exploring the case of Sweden, a non-NATO-member nation regarded as one of the most progressive in terms of the inclusion of LGBT personnel. Drawing on extensive archival work, the article shows that the story of LGBT policy development in the Swedish Armed Forces from 1944 to 2014 is one of long periods of status quo and relative silence, interrupted by leaps of rapid change, occasionally followed by the re-appearance of discriminatory policy. The analysis brings out two periods of significant change, 1971–1979 and 2000–2009, here described as turns in LGBT policy. During the first turn, the military medical regulation protocol's recommendation to exempt gay men from military service was the key issue. During these years, homosexuality was classified as mental illness, but in the military context it was largely framed in terms of security threats, both on a national level (due to the risk of blackmail) and for the individual homosexual (due to the homophobic military environment). In the second turn, the focus was increasingly shifted from the LGBT individual to the structures, targeting the military organization itself. Furthermore, the analysis shows that there was no ban against LGBT people serving in the Swedish Armed Forces, but that ways of understanding and regulating sexual orientation and gender identity have nonetheless shaped the military organization in fundamental ways, and continue to do so. ; Funding agencies: Swedish Council for Working Life and Social Research [2012-0934]; Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences [FOA10Amund-007, FOA12Amund-010]

This article contributes to the growing field of research on military LGBT policy development by exploring the case of Sweden, a non-NATO-member nation regarded as one of the most progressive in terms of the inclusion of LGBT personnel. Drawing on extensive archival work, the article shows that the story of LGBT policy development in the Swedish Armed Forces from 1944 to 2014 is one of long periods of status quo and relative silence, interrupted by leaps of rapid change, occasionally followed by the re-appearance of discriminatory policy. The analysis brings out two periods of significant change, 1971–1979 and 2000–2009, here described as turns in LGBT policy. During the first turn, the military medical regulation protocol's recommendation to exempt gay men from military service was the key issue. During these years, homosexuality was classified as mental illness, but in the military context it was largely framed in terms of security threats, both on a national level (due to the risk of blackmail) and for the individual homosexual (due to the homophobic military environment). In the second turn, the focus was increasingly shifted from the LGBT individual to the structures, targeting the military organization itself. Furthermore, the analysis shows that there was no ban against LGBT people serving in the Swedish Armed Forces, but that ways of understanding and regulating sexual orientation and gender identity have nonetheless shaped the military organization in fundamental ways, and continue to do so.

The paper discusses planning policies and urban politics, their relation to LGBT communities in the city, and their potential to promote spatial justice within the local planning policies. The paper briefly reviews the main theoretical issues discussed in the literature regarding the connection between planning and sexuality. It also reviews three theoretical concepts of justice that relate to planning policy and urban politics: distributive Justice, procedural justice and recognition. The case study of the Gay Center at Tel Aviv's Meir Park is analyzed with reference to these three spatial justice concepts. The main argument is that the center is a clear example of distributive and procedural justice. However, when we analyze this case study in light of the concept of recognition, the findings are somewhat ambiguous. On the one hand, the case of the Gay Center indicates growing recognition of Tel Aviv's LGBT community. On the other hand, a queer analysis shows that this recognition is partial as it is limited to certain parts of the community and to spaces frequented by LGBTs in Tel-Aviv. ; El document discuteix les polítiques de planificació i la política urbana, la seva relació amb les comunitats LGBT a la ciutat i el seu potencial per promoure la justícia espacial dins de les polítiques de planificació locals. El document revisa breument els principals temes teòrics tractats a la literatura sobre la connexió entre planificació i sexualitat. També es revisen tres conceptes teòrics de justícia relacionats amb la política de planificació i la política urbana: la justícia distributiva, la justícia processal i el reconeixement. L'estudi de cas del Centre Gai al Parc Meir de Tel-Aviv s'analitza amb referència a aquests tres conceptes de justícia espacial. L'argument principal és que el centre és un clar exemple de justícia distributiva i processal. No obstant això, quan analitzem aquest cas a la llum del concepte de reconeixement, les conclusions són una mica ambigües. D'una banda, el cas del Centre Gai indica un reconeixement creixent de la comunitat LGBT de Tel-Aviv. D'altra banda, una anàlisi queer mostra que aquest reconeixement és parcial, ja que es limita a certes parts de la comunitat i als espais freqüentats per LGBT a Tel-Aviv. ; El documento analiza las políticas de planificación y las políticas urbanas, su relación con las comunidades LGBT en la ciudad y su potencial para promover la justicia espacial dentro de las políticas de planificación local. El artículo revisa brevemente los principales temas teóricos discutidos en la literatura con respecto a la conexión entre planificación y sexualidad. También revisa tres conceptos teóricos de la justicia que se relacionan con la política de planificación y las políticas urbanas: la justicia distributiva, la justicia procesal y el reconocimiento. El estudio de caso del Centro Gay en el Parque Meir de Tel-Aviv se analiza con referencia a estos tres conceptos de justicia espacial. El argumento principal es que el centro es un claro ejemplo de justicia distributiva y procesal. Sin embargo, cuando analizamos este estudio de caso a la luz del concepto de reconocimiento, los hallazgos son algo ambiguos. Por un lado, el caso del Centro Gay indica un creciente reconocimiento de la comunidad LGBT de Tel-Aviv. Por otro lado, un análisis queer muestra que este reconocimiento es parcial, ya que está limitado a ciertas partes de la comunidad y a los espacios frecuentados por LGBT en Tel-Aviv. ; Le document traite des politiques de planification et des politiques urbaines, de leurs relations avec les communautés LGBT de la ville et de leur potentiel à promouvoir la justice spatiale dans les politiques de planification locales. Le document passe brièvement en revue les principales questions théoriques abordées dans la littérature concernant le lien entre planification et sexualité. Il passe également en revue trois concepts théoriques de la justice liés aux politiques de planification et à la politique urbaine : la justice distributive, la justice procédurale et la reconnaissance. L'étude de cas du Centre gay du parc Meir de Tel Aviv est analysée en référence à ces trois concepts de justice spatiale. L'argument principal est que le centre est un clair exemple de justice distributive et procédurale. Cependant, lorsque nous analysons cette étude de cas à la lumière du concept de reconnaissance, les résultats sont quelque peu ambigus. D'une part, le cas du Gay Center indique une reconnaissance croissante de la communauté LGBT de Tel Aviv. D'autre part, une analyse queer montre que cette reconnaissance est partielle, car elle se limite à certaines parties de la communauté et aux espaces fréquentés par les LGBT à Tel-Aviv.

What novel political spaces emerge at the intersections of global HIV/AIDS interventions and LGBT rights movements? As discrimination and stigma become the targets of global health initiatives, how do communities affected by HIV/AIDS position themselves towards notions of rights? And what is the social and political afterlife of rights-based initiatives after they are defunded or cease to exist? These are the central research questions posed in the dissertation. To address them, I conducted six months of preliminary fieldwork and fifteen months of ethnographic fieldwork in 2012-2015 among gay and transgender communities in the upper Amazonian state of San Martín in Peru. Through data collection techniques that included participant observation and interviews, I examined the social and political effects of a rights-based HIV/AIDS intervention for gay and transgender communities in the region. Among these communities, I found the peche concept to be particularly meaningful. The peche referred to the small gifts that gay and transgender people exchanged for the company, affection, and sex with heterosexual men. While sometimes construed as either a risky sexual practice in HIV/AIDS-related research or considered disempowering by LGBT activists, I found that the peche had historical depth and social extension. I problematize these narratives by developing the concept of peche politics to analyze the political practices that emerged in San Martín among the communities I studied. I situate these practices, such as addressing discrimination and homophobia through formal grievances or recounting and transmitting stories of the internal armed conflict, at the confluence of local myths about sexuality, national histories of violence and human rights, and global health initiatives. In my conclusion, I rethink the local, national, and global scales of this research and propose a hemispheric imaginary to open new analytical possibilities, especially in the moments when global structures of HIV/AIDS initiatives and LGBT rights recede.

El texto relata diversas experiencias de enseñanza, investigación y extensión del proyecto "Corpolítica: diálogos sobre género, sexualidad, raza y derechos con jóvenes en espacios urbanos periféricos en el Distrito Federal", que fueron construidas desde la perspectiva de una Colectiva LGBTI+ del mismo nombre. La reflexión central aborda las relaciones entre la experiencia de extensión de la colectiva, caracterizada por la interseccionalidad, y el poder heterocisnormativo en la Universidad. Desde el punto de vista metodológico, utiliza diversas estrategias: memoria compartida, análisis documental, entrevistas, etc. Propone la reflexión sobre el lugar marginal de esa producción y la imposibilidad de, efectivamente, ocupar las posiciones hegemónicas, lo que sugiere la utilización del término guerrilla. El texto interroga a los actuales modelos de extensión popular al demostrar que la extensión puede también reproducir dimensiones de poder de la matriz heterosexual (Judith Butler) o invertir en una sociabilidad afectiva de (de)construcción de las formas tradicionales de saber, siempre marcada por el lugar de precariedad de las involucradas y de lo efímero de las experiencias en los espacios universitarios.

This dissertation examines the impact of litigation on a social movement's dominant substantive goals and message. While scholars have devoted substantial attention to the study of social movement litigation, research in this area typically focuses on how social movements affect substantive law, or more broadly, how a movement's legal tactics bring about social change. By contrast, my focus in this dissertation is on how litigation affects the social movement itself. In particular, how does litigation as a tactic shape a social movement's collective agenda? How does it affect which perspective among possible competing visions comes to define the movement?I investigate these dynamics through a case study of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement from 1985 to 2008. The study involves three phases of original empirical research, each of which investigates a potential mechanism that may privilege litigation over other tactics in its ability to set the LGBT movement's primary substantive agenda. First, I use a content analysis of newspaper coverage of LGBT politics to determine which movement tactics have received the most media visibility. Second, I perform a statistical analysis of LGBT organizations to determine which movement tactics have been most associated with organizational survival and stability. Third, I perform a qualitative analysis of a subset of those LGBT organizations to examine variation in the strategy-formation processes used by primarily litigation-, lobbying-, or protest-based movement groups.The media content analysis revealed that litigation received more news coverage than any other LGBT movement tactic, suggesting that litigation had greater visibility than other tactics. In addition, the statistical analysis revealed that the movement organizations that used litigation had greater survival rates than other types of LGBT movement organizations, suggesting that litigation has been a particularly stable feature of LGBT politics. The qualitative analysis of LGBT organizations revealed further insights into how litigation may influence the agendas of non-legal movement actors. Whereas litigating LGBT movement groups proactively pursued preplanned organizational priorities, protest groups formed their agendas reactively, focusing on the issues covered by the mainstream media. This phenomenon appears to have diverted protest groups away from their original priorities and toward the issues that the media found newsworthy. Given my findings that litigation coverage dominated news headlines, the processes identified here may enable litigation to dominate protest activism as well. Taken together, these findings suggest that the media visibility and stability of social movement litigation may contribute to the prominence of litigation and cause legal goals to dominate the movement's overall substantive agenda. I describe this process as the "legalization" of a social movement's agenda.This dissertation makes a novel contribution to existing scholarship by exposing systemic processes that may privilege movement litigation relative to protest, elevating the issues being litigated to top movement priorities. Significant implications follow for theories of law and social change. Focusing on litigation narrows a movement's agenda because courts offer a forum for only those grievances that can be translated into legal claims. This may be particularly problematic for movements that base their legal claims in antidiscrimination law, which has become settled around quite limited understandings of equality as formal access to equal opportunity and discrimination as an intentional, individual harm. This interpretation not only denies remedies for the structural factors most responsible for perpetuating inequality, it also places the focus on preventing individual wrongdoing rather than producing substantive outcomes. Thus, when antidiscrimination litigation comes to define an equality movement's priorities, the movement may find itself privileging issues with little hope of creating substantive social transformation.

O texto trata das relações entre a experiência de extensão de uma coletiva LGBTI+, caracterizada pela interseccionalidade, e o poder heterocisnormativo na universidade. Relata as experiências de ensino, pesquisa e extensão do Projeto "Corpolítica" que foram construídas desde a perspectiva de uma Coletiva LGBT de mesmo nome, criada na Universidade de Brasília (UnB) em 2014. Do ponto de vista metodológico, utiliza-se da memória compartilhada, da análise documental, entrevistas etc. Propõe a reflexão sobre o lugar marginal dessa produção e a impossibilidade de, efetivamente, ocupar as posições hegemônicas, sugerindo a utilização do termo "guerrilha" como categoría compreensiva dessas estratégias. Interroga os atuais modelos de Extensão Popular, ao demonstrar que a extensão pode também reproduzir dimensões de poder da "matriz heterossexual" (Judith Butler) ou investir numa sociabilidade afetiva de (des)construção das formas tradicionais de saber, sempre marcada pelo lugar de precariedade das sujeitas envolvidas e pela efemeridade das experiências nos espaços universitários. ; This paper addresses the teaching, research, and outreach experiences of an LGBTI+ collective's outreach project called "Corpolítica" (body politics), which was created in the University of Brasília (UnB) in 2014. The fundamental reflection analyses the cisgender and heteronormative power that structures the university, characterized by its intersectional approach. The methods used in this paper are: shared memory, document analysis, interviews, etc. The aim is to reflect on the peripheral space of this production and the impossibility of effectively occupy hegemonic positions, suggesting the use of the term "guerrilla" as a comprehensive category of those strategies. This paper also questions the current models of popular outreach, as it shows that outreach can also reproduce power dimensions of the "heterosexual matrix" (Judith Butler), or invest in an effective sociability of (de)construction of traditional forms of knowledge, always marked by the precarious situation of the subjects involved and the momentary experiences in the university sphere. ; El texto relata diversas experiencias de enseñanza, investigación y extensión del proyecto "Corpolítica: diálogos sobre género, sexualidad, raza y derechos con jóvenes en espacios urbanos periféricos en el Distrito Federal", que fueron construidas desde la perspectiva de una Colectiva LGBTI+ del mismo nombre. La reflexión central aborda las relaciones entre la experiencia de extensión de la colectiva, caracterizada por la interseccionalidad, y el poder heterocisnormativo en la Universidad. Desde el punto de vista metodológico, utiliza diversas estrategias: memoria compartida, análisis documental, entrevistas, etc. Propone la reflexión sobre el lugar marginal de esa producción y la imposibilidad de, efectivamente, ocupar las posiciones hegemónicas, lo que sugiere la utilización del término guerrilla. El texto interroga a los actuales modelos de extensión popular al demostrar que la extensión puede también reproducir dimensiones de poder de la matriz heterosexual (Judith Butler) o invertir en una sociabilidad afectiva de (de)construcción de las formas tradicionales de saber, siempre marcada por el lugar de precariedad de las involucradas y de lo efímero de las experiencias en los espacios universitarios.

While LGBT studies have been problematizing normative categories of sexuality primarily in Western cultures, the status of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals in non-Western societies remains understudied. This study examines the political attitudes toward LGBT individuals in Turkish society and explores the experiences of transgender individuals. While Turkey holds a strong economic position among Western countries, the situation of sexual minorities lags behind international standards. This study explores two research questions. First, what is the Turkish government's outlook for the LGBT community? Secondly, what kind of problems and challenges do trans-individuals experience in Turkey? This study first introduces a macro-level analysis of the politics of gender identity in Turkey by analyzing the debates of four deputies in the Turkish Parliament, each representing their parties' disparate viewpoints. Secondly, a micro-level analysis of previously collected interviews with twenty-five trans-individuals are also examined that shed light on the difficulties of being a trans-individual in Turkey. The content analysis shows that trans-individuals experience physical, sexual, and emotional violence, in addition to experiencing discrimination in employment, housing, and healthcare. The findings of this micro-level analysis elucidate the continuous discrimination, inequality, and violence that these individuals experience, while the macro-level analysis portrays the state's discriminatory policies toward LGBT individuals in Turkey.

This is an essay talking about the LGBT community and party affiliation, includes two specific parties within the major parties, including the Stonewall Democrats and the Log Cabin Republicans. The Stonewall Democrats are only with the Democrats because of that's the party that gets results for them while the Log Cabin Republicans are ideologically on the side of the Republicans but would like to gain more rights for the LGBT community. This is a detailed background and analysis of the two parties in terms of the LGBT community.

EU policy-making has steadily incorporated gender equality as an important factor for the optimal functioning of democracies and market economies. Nonetheless, few studies have incorporated a comparative perspective to assess the Europeanization of LGBT+ Equality. This study examines the role of the European Union in driving domestic policy change in Spain and other three Member States from different backgrounds in political, social and cultural terms - Poland (Eastern), Finland (Nordic), and Italy (Southern Europe). Drawing on several datasets, this paper concludes that micro, meso, and macro factors have transformed Spain from a "consumer" of policies towards a "producer" within the the EU. In this sense, the factual and normative value of the acquis communitaire (mixed rational-sociological approach) and the rational use of these inputs by domestic actors to achieve strategic objectives (consequential approach) appear to be the main causal mechanisms behind this process. These findings open the way for new avenues of research regarding EU policy-making, and normative questions such as democratic legitimacy and the founding values of the Union, as well as implications for policies such as the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP).

LGBT rights have expanded unevenly across Latin America and the Caribbean. Recent scholarship has been able to explain some of the reasons for this unevenness. But new and old questions remain unaddressed. This article suggests areas for further research. Resumen: Los derechos LGBT en la política de América Latina y el Caribe: Agendas para la investigación Los derechos LGBT han proliferado en América Latina y el Caribe de modo disparejo. Varios estudios académicos recientes han logrado explicar las razones de dicho crecimiento disparejo. Sin embargo, existen todavía preguntas sin responder al igual que nuevas preguntas por contestar. Este artículo sugiere algunas áreas que ameritan más investigación.