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Although the study of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) politics appears to be widely accepted within political science, a recent survey of political scientists reported some skepticism about its legitimacy and scholarly worth (Novkov and Barclay 2010). This article examines potential concerns about LGBT studies and draws attention to the field's scholarly importance. The first part briefly addresses three objections to the study of LGBT politics that echo criticisms of the study and practice of identity politics. I argue that these objections do not withstand scrutiny, and that the case for studying the intersection of politics and sexuality within the discipline of political science is compelling. Sexuality and gender are fundamental aspects of human societies that reflect power relations and increasingly have become the object of public policy. The second part of the article examines the burgeoning literature on the politics of sexual orientation and identity. Beyond its intrinsic importance, LGBT politics contributes to a broader understanding of politics, power, social movements, public opinion, policymaking institutions, urban politics, and the relationship between science and public policy. Though not exhaustive, this review addresses many of the principal empirical and theoretical works in this area.

El texto relata diversas experiencias de enseñanza, investigación y extensión del proyecto "Corpolítica: diálogos sobre género, sexualidad, raza y derechos con jóvenes en espacios urbanos periféricos en el Distrito Federal", que fueron construidas desde la perspectiva de una Colectiva LGBTI+ del mismo nombre. La reflexión central aborda las relaciones entre la experiencia de extensión de la colectiva, caracterizada por la interseccionalidad, y el poder heterocisnormativo en la Universidad. Desde el punto de vista metodológico, utiliza diversas estrategias: memoria compartida, análisis documental, entrevistas, etc. Propone la reflexión sobre el lugar marginal de esa producción y la imposibilidad de, efectivamente, ocupar las posiciones hegemónicas, lo que sugiere la utilización del término guerrilla. El texto interroga a los actuales modelos de extensión popular al demostrar que la extensión puede también reproducir dimensiones de poder de la matriz heterosexual (Judith Butler) o invertir en una sociabilidad afectiva de (de)construcción de las formas tradicionales de saber, siempre marcada por el lugar de precariedad de las involucradas y de lo efímero de las experiencias en los espacios universitarios.

This dissertation examines the impact of litigation on a social movement's dominant substantive goals and message. While scholars have devoted substantial attention to the study of social movement litigation, research in this area typically focuses on how social movements affect substantive law, or more broadly, how a movement's legal tactics bring about social change. By contrast, my focus in this dissertation is on how litigation affects the social movement itself. In particular, how does litigation as a tactic shape a social movement's collective agenda? How does it affect which perspective among possible competing visions comes to define the movement?I investigate these dynamics through a case study of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) movement from 1985 to 2008. The study involves three phases of original empirical research, each of which investigates a potential mechanism that may privilege litigation over other tactics in its ability to set the LGBT movement's primary substantive agenda. First, I use a content analysis of newspaper coverage of LGBT politics to determine which movement tactics have received the most media visibility. Second, I perform a statistical analysis of LGBT organizations to determine which movement tactics have been most associated with organizational survival and stability. Third, I perform a qualitative analysis of a subset of those LGBT organizations to examine variation in the strategy-formation processes used by primarily litigation-, lobbying-, or protest-based movement groups.The media content analysis revealed that litigation received more news coverage than any other LGBT movement tactic, suggesting that litigation had greater visibility than other tactics. In addition, the statistical analysis revealed that the movement organizations that used litigation had greater survival rates than other types of LGBT movement organizations, suggesting that litigation has been a particularly stable feature of LGBT politics. The qualitative analysis of LGBT organizations revealed further insights into how litigation may influence the agendas of non-legal movement actors. Whereas litigating LGBT movement groups proactively pursued preplanned organizational priorities, protest groups formed their agendas reactively, focusing on the issues covered by the mainstream media. This phenomenon appears to have diverted protest groups away from their original priorities and toward the issues that the media found newsworthy. Given my findings that litigation coverage dominated news headlines, the processes identified here may enable litigation to dominate protest activism as well. Taken together, these findings suggest that the media visibility and stability of social movement litigation may contribute to the prominence of litigation and cause legal goals to dominate the movement's overall substantive agenda. I describe this process as the "legalization" of a social movement's agenda.This dissertation makes a novel contribution to existing scholarship by exposing systemic processes that may privilege movement litigation relative to protest, elevating the issues being litigated to top movement priorities. Significant implications follow for theories of law and social change. Focusing on litigation narrows a movement's agenda because courts offer a forum for only those grievances that can be translated into legal claims. This may be particularly problematic for movements that base their legal claims in antidiscrimination law, which has become settled around quite limited understandings of equality as formal access to equal opportunity and discrimination as an intentional, individual harm. This interpretation not only denies remedies for the structural factors most responsible for perpetuating inequality, it also places the focus on preventing individual wrongdoing rather than producing substantive outcomes. Thus, when antidiscrimination litigation comes to define an equality movement's priorities, the movement may find itself privileging issues with little hope of creating substantive social transformation.

Linguistic and anthropological analyses of the globalization of sexual frameworks typically emphasize how putatively global models remain disjunctive with localized understandings. Few scholars have examined how NGOs in the Global North compile the information needed to advocate for LGBT rights, much of which is generated by activists in the Global South. In this paper, I draw on fieldwork at a Northern-based LGBT human rights NGO to explore how brokers produce and circulate knowledge amidst the complex challenges of information politics. As brokers of information, activists face structural, linguistic, and technological impediments that complicate their work. They also grapple with doubts about facticity, motives, and potential repercussions that affect whether information is deemed "good enough" for advocacy. Understanding how activists practically navigate these challenges is critical as linguists and anthropologists move beyond reductive global-local dichotomies and advocates seek to do solidarity work as effectively and responsibly as possible.

Intro -- Contents -- Accessing the Online Supplemental Materials -- Introduction -- 1. Making Room for LGBT People in American Religion and Politics -- 2. The LGBT Faithful in America -- 3. Faith and Early LGBT Identity Development -- 4. Faith and LGBT Identity Development after Coming Out -- 5. "I Cannot Separate Myself from Either My Religious Beliefs or My Sexual Identity": Faith in LGBT Culture and Politics -- 6. "Faith Without Works Is Hollow": Religion, Resources, and Political Mobilization -- 7. "My Politics Are My Religious Beliefs": Faith and Political Attitudes of LGBT People -- Conclusion: Yes Gawd! How Faith Shapes LGBT Politics -- Notes -- References -- Index.

O texto trata das relações entre a experiência de extensão de uma coletiva LGBTI+, caracterizada pela interseccionalidade, e o poder heterocisnormativo na universidade. Relata as experiências de ensino, pesquisa e extensão do Projeto "Corpolítica" que foram construídas desde a perspectiva de uma Coletiva LGBT de mesmo nome, criada na Universidade de Brasília (UnB) em 2014. Do ponto de vista metodológico, utiliza-se da memória compartilhada, da análise documental, entrevistas etc. Propõe a reflexão sobre o lugar marginal dessa produção e a impossibilidade de, efetivamente, ocupar as posições hegemônicas, sugerindo a utilização do termo "guerrilha" como categoría compreensiva dessas estratégias. Interroga os atuais modelos de Extensão Popular, ao demonstrar que a extensão pode também reproduzir dimensões de poder da "matriz heterossexual" (Judith Butler) ou investir numa sociabilidade afetiva de (des)construção das formas tradicionais de saber, sempre marcada pelo lugar de precariedade das sujeitas envolvidas e pela efemeridade das experiências nos espaços universitários. ; This paper addresses the teaching, research, and outreach experiences of an LGBTI+ collective's outreach project called "Corpolítica" (body politics), which was created in the University of Brasília (UnB) in 2014. The fundamental reflection analyses the cisgender and heteronormative power that structures the university, characterized by its intersectional approach. The methods used in this paper are: shared memory, document analysis, interviews, etc. The aim is to reflect on the peripheral space of this production and the impossibility of effectively occupy hegemonic positions, suggesting the use of the term "guerrilla" as a comprehensive category of those strategies. This paper also questions the current models of popular outreach, as it shows that outreach can also reproduce power dimensions of the "heterosexual matrix" (Judith Butler), or invest in an effective sociability of (de)construction of traditional forms of knowledge, always marked by the precarious situation of the subjects involved and the momentary experiences in the university sphere. ; El texto relata diversas experiencias de enseñanza, investigación y extensión del proyecto "Corpolítica: diálogos sobre género, sexualidad, raza y derechos con jóvenes en espacios urbanos periféricos en el Distrito Federal", que fueron construidas desde la perspectiva de una Colectiva LGBTI+ del mismo nombre. La reflexión central aborda las relaciones entre la experiencia de extensión de la colectiva, caracterizada por la interseccionalidad, y el poder heterocisnormativo en la Universidad. Desde el punto de vista metodológico, utiliza diversas estrategias: memoria compartida, análisis documental, entrevistas, etc. Propone la reflexión sobre el lugar marginal de esa producción y la imposibilidad de, efectivamente, ocupar las posiciones hegemónicas, lo que sugiere la utilización del término guerrilla. El texto interroga a los actuales modelos de extensión popular al demostrar que la extensión puede también reproducir dimensiones de poder de la matriz heterosexual (Judith Butler) o invertir en una sociabilidad afectiva de (de)construcción de las formas tradicionales de saber, siempre marcada por el lugar de precariedad de las involucradas y de lo efímero de las experiencias en los espacios universitarios.

This paper addresses the teaching, research, and outreach experiences of an LGBTI+ collective's outreach project called "Corpolítica" (body politics), which was created in the University of Brasília (UnB) in 2014. The fundamental reflection analyses the cisgender and heteronormative power that structures the university, characterized by its intersectional approach. The methods used in this paper are: shared memory, document analysis, interviews, etc. The aim is to reflect on the peripheral space of this production and the impossibility of effectively occupy hegemonic positions, suggesting the use of the term "guerrilla" as a comprehensive category of those strategies. This paper also questions the current models of popular outreach, as it shows that outreach can also reproduce power dimensions of the "heterosexual matrix" (Judith Butler), or invest in an effective sociability of (de)construction of traditional forms of knowledge, always marked by the precarious situation of the subjects involved and the momentary experiences in the university sphere.

While LGBT studies have been problematizing normative categories of sexuality primarily in Western cultures, the status of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals in non-Western societies remains understudied. This study examines the political attitudes toward LGBT individuals in Turkish society and explores the experiences of transgender individuals. While Turkey holds a strong economic position among Western countries, the situation of sexual minorities lags behind international standards. This study explores two research questions. First, what is the Turkish government's outlook for the LGBT community? Secondly, what kind of problems and challenges do trans-individuals experience in Turkey? This study first introduces a macro-level analysis of the politics of gender identity in Turkey by analyzing the debates of four deputies in the Turkish Parliament, each representing their parties' disparate viewpoints. Secondly, a micro-level analysis of previously collected interviews with twenty-five trans-individuals are also examined that shed light on the difficulties of being a trans-individual in Turkey. The content analysis shows that trans-individuals experience physical, sexual, and emotional violence, in addition to experiencing discrimination in employment, housing, and healthcare. The findings of this micro-level analysis elucidate the continuous discrimination, inequality, and violence that these individuals experience, while the macro-level analysis portrays the state's discriminatory policies toward LGBT individuals in Turkey.