Suchergebnisse

What motivates individuals to participate in contentious, political forms of collective action? In this article, I consider the possibility that the promise of social esteem from an ingroup can act as a powerful selective incentive for individuals to participate in contentious politics. I conducted a field experiment-the first to my knowledge to take place in the context of a political march, rally, or social-identity event-to isolate this esteem mechanism from others. Using measures of intent to attend, actual attendance, and reported attendance at a gay and lesbian pride event in New Jersey, I find evidence that the promise of social esteem boosts all three measures of participation. The article offers new theoretical and practical implications for the study of participation in nonvoting forms of collective action. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractIn this article we apply insights from 'new mobilities' approaches to understand the shifting sexual and gendered landscapes of major cities in the global North. The empirical context is the purported 'demise' of traditional gay villages in Toronto, Canada and Sydney, Australia, and the emergence of 'LGBT neighbourhoods' elsewhere in the inner city. We reinterpret the historical geography of twentieth century LGBT lives and the associated 'rise and fall' of gay enclaves through the lens of the 'politics of mobility'. In this reading, it is apparent that multifaceted movements — migration, physical and social mobility, and motility — underpin the formation of gay enclaves and recent transformations in sexual and gendered landscapes. After the second world war, LGBT communities in the global North were embedded in specific historical geographies of mobility and we trace these in the Canadian and Australian contexts. The 'great gay migration' from the 1960s to the 1980s has been joined by new LGBT constellations of mobility in the 2000s, and these have imprinted upon the sexual and gendered landscapes of Toronto and Sydney.

AbstractDuring the negotiations around the International Criminal Court's (ICC) Statute (ICCS) there was a fierce debate about the use and definition of the term 'gender' in its Article 7(3), with a sizeable number of states opposing the use of the term as a synonym for sexual orientation, which could have included lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender persons (LGBT). This paper is going to argue that the drafting compromise was ultimately an exercise in moral failure for the sake of the political feasibility, cementing one of the most glaring instances of discrimination, and that it is high time to correct that error, especially in the context of the rising tide of state‐sponsored homophobia that can be noticed in certain countries whose politics have drifted to the (far) right. It will examine whether the existing international criminal law does allow for the characterisation of domestic criminalisation as a crime against humanity, with or without the invocation of the term gender, and how to take the debate forward.

ABSTRACT
For a long time post-Soviet space has been perceived as homophobic and intolerant of LGBT persons. The three Baltic States - Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia - as former Soviet republics and current members of the European Union, represent the space where a strong homophobic post-Soviet atmosphere competes with pro-LGBT Western influence. This article examines how the first LGBT Pride Parade (which occurred in Vilnius in 2010) is reflected in Lithuanian media portals. The article also presents the broader context of LGBT issues by reviewing legal changes and Lithuanian political parties' programs. Our analysis of the media and other sources is based on three arguments: 1) that the LGBT pride parade in Vilnius became the most important event for reflecting LGBT issues in the media and society; 2) it might have not been possible without support and influence from external institutions; and 3) the LGBT parade revealed the division of two competing normative trajectories in Lithuania. The reconstructed trajectories in the article are based on the theoretical framework of new institutionalism, media analysis, interviews and focus groups. Construction of the LGBT campaign and counter-campaign seem delimited rather than approaching them as value normative consensus. However, the way in which LGBT persons are reflected within the Lithuanian media is remarkably different in comparison with the early post-Soviet period. The Baltic gay pride parade "for equality" and external (Western) support for it were highly visible in the media, influenced a significant debate on the topic not otherwise experienced in Lithuania, and (re)introduced a question about the perception of 'normality' within society. These debates also raise the question of how norms and institutions change and adapt within society.

AbstractAdvocates for the equality and dignity of LGBT persons often suggest that the immutability of sexual orientation is their strongest argument. I believe that it is a weak one. First, the individual freedom that liberalism accords to people, absent harm to others, as necessary for human flourishing applies to sexuality as well as to other areas of existence. Second, the distinction often made between status and conduct is a false one, and the argument from immutability effectively protects neither. Third, I examine the notion of constitutive choice, arguing that the line between immutability and choice is more complex than many realize. Finally, greater attention to the notion of constitutive choice may broaden liberalism's hospitality to conceptions of the good in ways that better respect human moral agency and autonomy.

This piece takes stock of the current activities and influence of Serbia's far Right, which inherited the extreme nationalism that informed Milošević and the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. That such nationalism was never fully driven from Serbia's social and political life has led to the tacit support of fascist ideals in sections of the police, the Serbian Orthodox Church and certain government spokespeople. Violent attacks on LGBT and Roma communities and human rights violations are compounded by the state's lack of response. The author explores the dominant political climate that fails to recognise the threat from the far Right and equates its political extremism with that of groups campaigning to protect human rights.

Since the scholarship that exists on lesbian organizing in the Midwest neglects to engage with the history of Latina lesbian organizing, this project focuses on Latina lesbians as agents of change and active subjects of a multiracial history of grass-roots organizing. I explore the history of two organizations in Chicago — LLENA, an activist organization that existed from 1988 to 1992, and Amigas Latinas, a Latina lesbian, bisexual, and transgender advocacy organization that was founded in 1995 and is still in existence. My analysis is based on oral interviews, participant observation, archival records (minutes, flyers, newsletters, letters, and financial papers), and media accounts in the Chicago gay press. I describe the founding of LLENA and Amigas Latinas, their efforts to create Latina lesbian visibility in both the "Latino" and "lesbian" social and political cultures of Chicago, and their successful and unsuccessful attempts to negotiate divergent national and ethnic histories, class and linguistic differences, and the diverse political stances of their membership. I also look at the coalition-building politics that the two organizations established with other Latino and queer communities in Chicago and internationally, their strategies for sustainability, and their enduring contributions. I argue that through small and large accomplishments, both LLENA and Amigas Latinas advance significant cultural and political change in the Chicago area. The collective effort of Latina lesbians to create and occupy public spaces is inherently political and has forever altered the mainstream LGBT and Latino communities in Chicago.