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Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction: Privilege, Power, and Activism in Gay Rights Politics Since the 1970s -- 1. A Clinic Comes Out: Idealism, Pragmatism, and Gay Health Services in Boston, 1971–1985 -- 2. "A Ray of Sunshine": Housing, Family, and Gay Political Power in 1970s Los Angeles -- 3. Making Sexual Citizens: LGBT Politics, Health Care, and the State in the 1970s -- 4. AIDS and the Urban Crisis: Stigma, Cost, and the Persistence of Racism in Chicago, 1981–1996 -- 5. "Don't We Die Too?": The Politics of AIDS and Race in Philadelphia -- 6. Black Gay Lives Matter: Mobilizing Sexual Identities in the Eras of Reagan and Thatcher Conservatism -- 7. Gay and Conservative: An Early History of the Log Cabin Republicans -- 8. "No Discrimination & No Special Rights": Gay Rights, Family Values, and the Politics of Moderation in the 1992 Election -- 9. Homophobia Baiting: Queering the Trayvon Martin Archives and Challenging the AntiBlackness of Color-Blind Politics -- NOTES -- List of Contributors -- Index

ABSTRACTCosta Rica and Colombia, two of the earliest Latin American countries to protect many LGBT rights, attempted to amplify those rights and litigate same-sex marriage (SSM) in mid-2000s; however, these attempts sparked a major anti-LGBT backlash by religious and conservative organizations. Yet a decade later, Colombia legalized SSM while Costa Rica still lacks the right to SSM. Using a most-similar systems comparative case study, this study engages the judicial politics literature to explain this divergent outcome. It details how courts, while staying receptive to many individual LGBT rights claims, deferred SSM legalization to popularly elected branches. In spite of the lack of legislative success in both countries, in Colombia a new litigation strategy harnessed that deference to craft a litigated route to legalized SSM. In Costa Rica, the courts' lack of conditions or deadlines has left SSM foundering in the congress.

AbstractIn this article we apply insights from 'new mobilities' approaches to understand the shifting sexual and gendered landscapes of major cities in the global North. The empirical context is the purported 'demise' of traditional gay villages in Toronto, Canada and Sydney, Australia, and the emergence of 'LGBT neighbourhoods' elsewhere in the inner city. We reinterpret the historical geography of twentieth century LGBT lives and the associated 'rise and fall' of gay enclaves through the lens of the 'politics of mobility'. In this reading, it is apparent that multifaceted movements — migration, physical and social mobility, and motility — underpin the formation of gay enclaves and recent transformations in sexual and gendered landscapes. After the second world war, LGBT communities in the global North were embedded in specific historical geographies of mobility and we trace these in the Canadian and Australian contexts. The 'great gay migration' from the 1960s to the 1980s has been joined by new LGBT constellations of mobility in the 2000s, and these have imprinted upon the sexual and gendered landscapes of Toronto and Sydney.

A critical discursive analysis of the It Gets Better Project with special attention to the racial politics of the contributors and messages communicated to the target audience of LGBT online youth.

The European Union (EU) praises itself for being a promoter of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights in the world. It supports LGBT organisations abroad with the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR). Yet, the EIDHR has come under scrutiny by scholars arguing that it is based on neoliberal rationalities and depoliticises civil society. The literature analyses the EU's documents but does not study funding in practice. Moreover, it has a narrow understanding of politicisation failing to include insights from feminist and queer literature. To problematize the EU's policy, we need to analyse it in the sites it intervenes in. It is unclear whether and how the EIDHR depoliticises LGBT organisations and issues. Studying the case of Turkey, I argue that the EU's support of LGBT organisations had ambiguous effects which are not necessarily the ones intended by the EU nor the ones expected by the governmentality literature. The EU's funding depoliticised the organisations in the sense that they looked less political and more transparent. Yet, this helped making LGBT rights' claims more legitimate within Turkey's political struggles. At the same time, EU funding created conflicts within the LGBT movement about the question of Western external funding and neoliberal co-optation.

"Gender Nonconformance in Non-Western Contexts: Hijras in India" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Public School Policies: Discrimination, Harassment, Bullying, and Accommodations" published on by Oxford University Press.

"LGBTQ Family Law and Policy in the United States" published on by Oxford University Press.

"Transgender Rights Interest Groups in the United States" published on by Oxford University Press.

It is well established that schools are not neutral sites for gender and sexualities, shaping (often heteronormative) school spaces. This paper augments examinations of the implementation of inclusive school curricula by exploring heteroactivist opposition to lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LGBT) equalities in Canadian and British schools. It examines resistances to institution of a revised and updated Health and Physical Education curriculum in Ontario schools in Canada, and in the UK, the use of the Rowe family's opposition to the presence of trans children in their own child's classroom. This paper shows that once-invisible heternormativities are now being challenged through LGBT curricula and support for trans students. This creates classrooms as pivotal, geographical, social and political spaces that operate at the juncture of the public/private spaces of the home, public spaces of the neighbourhood and the imagined space of the nation and nation-building citizenship. Oppositional ideologies can no longer be understood through the labels of 'anti-gay', 'homophobic' or 'transphobic', and these oppositions go beyond 'anti-gender', such that the term heteroactivism names the activisms and ideologies that seeks to reassert the superiority of monogamous, binary cis-gendered, coupled marriages as best for children and for society. These ideologies are inherently geographical, drawing both on local and individual circumstances, but also transcending national boundaries. We highlight three dominant heteroactivist themes, namely, parental rights, interactions between state/schools/home and gender ideologies. This offers insights into how new sexual and gender rights are contested and resisted in new ways to consider the political, legal and social implications of heteroactivist strategies in schools.

This article builds on previous research on Europeanization and political opportunity structures (POS) for mobilization, to explore the processes of transnational LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender) mobilization in the European Union (EU). In the case of LGBT activism, European integration affects contentious politics by altering POS – both vertically and horizontally – for mobilization and changing the tactics of LGBT activism. Using the cases of Germany and Poland to trace cross-border connections between norm entrepreneur and target state, the findings suggest that LGBT activism relies on transnational resources – primarily, social spaces and organizational capacity – that are scarce in many member states but readily available in others. These horizontal opportunities among member states, alongside top-down vertical ones provided by Brussels, serve as mobilizing structures that bring together distinct groups of international actors. Europeanization also alters the tactics that transnational actors use when engaging with authorities in the target state. Employing socialization mechanisms that highlight appropriate behavior, actors tactically frame their demands in a European discourse by associating the issue of LGBT acceptance with democratic responsibilities as members of the EU community.

This paper discusses the developmental dynamics of Bosnian and Herzegovinian (BiH) lgbt (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) activism in the context of the European integration (Europeanization) process. Although the official politics of BiH authorities aspires towards the European Union (eu), the country's political deadlock and the steady position of the potential eu candidate, have created conditions in which activism operates with declarative and financial support from European organizations while having very limited impact on policies and local institutions. In this set-up, lgbt activism and non-heterosexual sexualities are placed between the specific local context of an ethnocratic state and the Western European narratives of lgbt rights and freedoms. I draw upon a range of primary sources, including the material obtained through a series of semi-structured interviews with activists, to argue that, for the time being, the lgbt movement in BiH lacks either governmental, political or societal support. However, marginal sites of non-heteronormative resistance could potentially appear as a departure point for creating an intersectionality-sensitive political platform from which to struggle for a general civic and political equality and institutional accountability.

" American public opinion tends to be sticky. Although the news cycle might temporarily affect the public zeitgeist about abortion, the death penalty, or gun control, public support or opposition on these issues has remained remarkably constant over decades. But there are notable exceptions, particularly with regard to polarizing issues that highlight identity politics. Over the past three decades, public support for same-sex marriage has risen from scarcely more than a tenth to a majority of the population. Why have people's minds changed so dramatically on this issue, and why so quickly? Listen, We Need to Talk tests a theory that when prominent people representing particular interest groups voice support for a culturally contentious issue, they sway the opinions of others who identify with the same group, even if the interest group and the issue at hand have no obvious connection. In fact this book shows that the more the message counters prevailing beliefs or attitudes of a particular identity group, the more persuasive it is. While previous studies of political attitude change have looked at the effects of message priming (who delivers a message) on issues directly related to particular identity groups, this study is unique in that it looks at how identity priming affects attitudes and behaviors toward an issue that is not central or directly related to the targeted group. The authors prove their theory through a series of random experiments testing the positive effects of identity-based messaging regarding same-sex marriage among fans of professional sports, religious groups, and ethnoracial (Black and Latino) groups. "--