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Reports in April 2017 regarding a state-initiated wave of homophobic persecution in Chechnya attracted worldwide outrage. Numerous witnesses spoke of arrests, abuse, and murders of gay men in the republic. In response, a spokesman of Chechnya's president, Ramzan Kadyrov, claimed that "you cannot … oppress those who simply do not exist." In this article, with the antigay purge in Chechnya and in particular the denial of queer existence as their starting point, Brock and Edenborg examine more deeply processes of erasure and disclosure of queer populations in relation to state violence and projects of national belonging. They discuss (1) what the events in Chechnya tell us about visibility and invisibility as sites of queer liberation, in light of recent discussions in LGBT visibility politics; (2) what the episodes tell us about the epistemological value of queer visibility, given widespread media cynicism and disbelief in the authenticity of images as evidence; and (3) what role the (discursive and physical) elimination of queers plays in relation to spectacular performances of nationhood. Taken together, the authors' findings contribute to a more multifaceted understanding of the workings of visibility and invisibility and their various, sometimes contradictory, functions in both political homophobia and queer liberation.

The 'reflexive turn' transcended disciplinary boundaries within the social sciences. Feminist scholars in particular have taken up its core concerns, establishing a wide-ranging literature on reflexivity in feminist theory and practice. In this paper, I contribute to this scholarship by deconstructing the 'story' of my own research as a white, genderqueer, masculine-presenting researcher in Ghana. This deconstruction is based on thirteen months of field research exploring LGBT activism in the capital city of Accra. Using a series of ethnographic vignettes, I examine questions of queer subjectivity, embodiment and self/Other dynamics in the research encounter. Specifically, I interrogate what a reflexive concern for power relations means when researchers share moments of commonality and difference with research participants, here in relation to axes of gender, sexuality, race and class. Finally, I explore the challenge of theorising resistance in light of feminist postcolonial critiques of the politics of representation. I conclude that it is only by locating these tensions and dissonances in the foreground of our inquiries that reflexivity becomes meaningful as a way of rendering knowledge production more accountable and transparent, of practising feminist solidarity, and of excavating our own queer research journeys.

The presence of queer motifs in contemporary Latin American literature is getting more and more relevant nowadays, generating a rich and complex corpus of texts where the thematic obsession with the opaque, incongruous, mischievous body overtly exceeds the LGBT borders and becomes a strategy of experimenting new politics and poetics of representing Latin American collective identity. This essay aims at giving a new theoretically hybrid frame of reading to some of the most emblematic texts of the contemporary canon, one where the postcolonial discourse mixes with queer studies. A classic urban chronicle about transvestism by Pedro Lemebel and the novel Woes of the true Policeman by Roberto Bolaño will be considered as case studies: both the faux detective story of a Chilean exiled investigating on his own sexual ambiguity and the magic-realistic performance of a indio imitator of the pop singer Madonna seems to allude to a sort of subversive continuation of the postcolonial assessment of the New World, in which notions of "obliqueness", "unaccountability" and, crucially, "vulnerability" sound ambiguously as a critical response and as an ingenious actualization of traditionally fostered cultural constructs such as "mestizaje" and hybridization.

The term queer, when used in the French language, does not echo the same way as in English –then referring to the anglo-saxon context of emergence. The main purpose of this study is to question the phenomena of cultural transfers of queer feminism – which appeared in the mid 1980s in the United States as both a subculture and a movement of critical thinking and activism- into the French context. This cultural translation resulted in pink activism which unlike its anglo saxon original model developed a policy based on strong identity affirmation, on both a collective and individual level. The goal was to beat the French integration system deeply imbued with republican ideals, where the drifts of an abstract universalism had produced blindness towards inequalities therefore the central issue investigated in this research is how this pink activism arose in a French context of opposition to identity-based politics.Moreover, the phenomena of reception and appropriation of queer feminism into the French context must be understood beyond the sole linguistic translation – in all their dimensions, cultural political, theoritical, artistic, etc. This study aims to understand the special features of this activism, from its sometimes uneasy integration among feminist and LGBT movements to its specific applications in terms of cultural and artistic practices, thus questioning the phenomenon of aestheticism of resistance techniques. ; Le terme "Queer" ne résonne pas de la même façon en version originale - le contexte anglo-saxon d'émergence - qu'en version française. L'objectif principal de cette recherche est de questionner les phénomènes de transferts culturels dans le contexte français du féminisme queer, à la fois mouvement de pensée critique, activisme et subculture apparus au milieu des années 1980 aux Etats-Unis. De cette traduction culturelle du mouvement queer en France est né un activisme rose qui à l'inverse du contexte anglo-saxon a développé une politique basée sur une forte affirmation identitaire, à la fois ...

The term queer, when used in the French language, does not echo the same way as in English –then referring to the anglo-saxon context of emergence. The main purpose of this study is to question the phenomena of cultural transfers of queer feminism – which appeared in the mid 1980s in the United States as both a subculture and a movement of critical thinking and activism- into the French context. This cultural translation resulted in pink activism which unlike its anglo saxon original model developed a policy based on strong identity affirmation, on both a collective and individual level. The goal was to beat the French integration system deeply imbued with republican ideals, where the drifts of an abstract universalism had produced blindness towards inequalities therefore the central issue investigated in this research is how this pink activism arose in a French context of opposition to identity-based politics.Moreover, the phenomena of reception and appropriation of queer feminism into the French context must be understood beyond the sole linguistic translation – in all their dimensions, cultural political, theoritical, artistic, etc. This study aims to understand the special features of this activism, from its sometimes uneasy integration among feminist and LGBT movements to its specific applications in terms of cultural and artistic practices, thus questioning the phenomenon of aestheticism of resistance techniques. ; Le terme "Queer" ne résonne pas de la même façon en version originale - le contexte anglo-saxon d'émergence - qu'en version française. L'objectif principal de cette recherche est de questionner les phénomènes de transferts culturels dans le contexte français du féminisme queer, à la fois mouvement de pensée critique, activisme et subculture apparus au milieu des années 1980 aux Etats-Unis. De cette traduction culturelle du mouvement queer en France est né un activisme rose qui à l'inverse du contexte anglo-saxon a développé une politique basée sur une forte affirmation identitaire, à la fois ...

African women face many obstacles in the battle for equality / Gumisai Mutume -- Latin American activists say bringing more women to the open government movement will advance the cause of all women / Yamila Garcia and Veronica Alvarez -- Rwanda serves mixed messages on women in leadership / Gregory Warner -- Women in Muslim countries : violence at home and representation in government / Jessalyn Allen -- Throughout the West, the future of work requires diversity and inclusion LGBT candidates are winning office both in Europe and the United States / Annalisa Merelli -- The most common excuses for not having enough women leaders are myths / Kim Azzarelli and Deanna Bass -- Religious messages can influence support of gender equality in nations around the world -- Double standards and a unique political system keeps the us down the list of nations approaching gender parity in leadership / Laura Liswood -- Gender diversity in the US government is growing from the botton up / Danielle Kurtzleben -- Women leaders in India come from political dynasties, but that may be changing -- Gender stereotyping actually helps some asian females get elected / Mark R. Thompson -- Systemic gender discrimination keeps the us from electing a female president -- Sexism in politics could make women hesitant to stand for office / Avery Poole -- Female candidates often struggle to win over female voters / Peggy Drexler -- Americans' views about women in politics differ in the details, depending on their gender / Devera Cohn and Gretchen Livingston -- The effect of hidden sexism on the us presidential election / Daniel Bush -- Female politicians face violence, not just insults / Mona Lena Krook -- The media encourages sexist portrayals of women leaders in Latin America / Raiesa Frazer -- Quotas are needed to get women into politics Spain's majority-female cabinet bodes well for the future of gender-equal governments / Susan Franceschet and Karen Beckwith -- Democracy requires women take part in making laws / Michelle Bachelet -- Gender equality is necessary for modern European democracy to survive -- Rwanda widows take power after genocide / Chris McGreal.

Mainstreaming Gays discusses a key transitional period linking the eras of legacy and streaming, analyzing how queer production and interaction that had earlier occurred outside the mainstream was transformed by multiple converging trends: the emergence of digital media, the rising influence of fan cultures, and increasing interest in LGBTQ content within commercial media. The U.S. networks Bravo and Logo broke new ground in the early 2000s and 2010s with their channel programming, as well as bringing in a new cohort of LGBTQ digital content creators, providing unprecedented opportunities for independent queer producers, and hosting distinctive spaces for queer interaction online centered on pop culture and politics rather than dating. These developments constituted the ground from which recent developments for LGBTQ content and queer sociality online have emerged. Mainstreaming Gays is critical reading for those interested in media production, fandom, subcultures, and LGBTQ digital media

CHAPTER 1: Introduction: This Tide is not for Turning (Daniele Albertazzi and Nina Rothenberg) -- Part 1. The Economic and Media Landscapes. CHAPTER 2: Italy in the New Millennium : The Economy and Society (James Newell) ; CHAPTER 3: The Changing Face of the Media: A Catalogue of Anomalies (Christopher Cepernich) ; CHAPTER 4: Electoral Campaigning and the New Media (Roberto Grandi and Cristian Vaccari) -- Part 2. Political Challenges. CHAPTER 5: In Bed with the Enemy - Infighting Among Governing Parties and the Return of the Centre. (Daniele Albertazzi) ; CHAPTER 6: Defeated and Divided? The Left in Opposition (Donatella Campus) ; CHAPTER 7: Challenging from the Grass-roots: the Girotondi and the No Global movement. (Paolo Ceri) -- Part 3. Texts. CHAPTER 8: Silenced Humour on RAI TV: Daniele Luttazzi, Sabina Guzzanti & Co. (Monica Boria) ; CHAPTER 9: The Cinema of Resistance: Nanni Moretti's Il Caimano and the Italian Film Industry (Clodagh Brook) ; CHAPTER 10: Staging Opposition: Il Signor Rossi e la Costituzione (Stefania Taviano) ; CHAPTER 11: Web Challenges to Berlusconi: An Analysis of Oppositional Sites (Cristian Vaccari) ; CHAPTER 12: Mascelloni, Masks and Mascara: Writing, Language and Power in Vincenzo Consolo (Daragh O'Connell) ; CHAPTER 13: Adjusting the Cold Mirror - Berlusconi and the Corriere della Sera (Nina Rothenberg) -- Part 4. Experiences and Personalities. CHAPTER 14: 'Adopt a Domestic Worker?': The Response of Immigrant Associations to the Centre-Right (Wendy Pojmann) ; CHAPTER 15: Feminist Activism and Practice: Asserting Autonomy and Resisting Precarity (Manuela Galetto, Chiara Lasala, Sveva Magaraggia, Chiara Martucci, Elisabetta Onori and Charlotte Ross) ; CHAPTER 16: Collective Association in the LGBT Movement (Charlotte Ross) ; CHAPTER 17: Political Cleansing and Censorship in Public Television - A Case Study of Michele Santoro and Enzo Biagi (Nina Rothenberg) ; CHAPTER 18: Conclusions (Clodagh Brook and Charlotte Ross).

List of figures1 Vulnerability as a political language -- Anu Koivunen, Katariina Kyrölä and Ingrid RybergPart I: Vulnerability as a battleground2 Negotiating vulnerability in the trigger warning debates -- Katariina Kyrölä3 Trigger happy: from content warning to censorship -- Jack Halberstam4 Feminist hurt/feminism hurts -- Sara AhmedPart II: Vulnerability and visibility5 Little Pink: white fragility and black social death -- Ylva Habel6 Visibility and vulnerability: negotiating transgender representation and encounters with translatina worlds in The Salt Mines and Wildness -- Laura Horak7 White vulnerability and the politics of reproduction in Top of the Lake: China Girl -- Johanna Gondouin, Suruchi Thapar-Björkert and Ingrid Ryberg8 Spectacularly wounded: white male vulnerability as heterosexual fantasy -- Susanna PaasonenPart III: Vulnerability and cultural policy9 The invulnerable body of colour: the failure and success of a Swedish Film Diversity initiative -- Mara Lee Gerden10 Naming, shaming, framing? The ambivalence of queer visibility in audio-visual archives -- Dagmar Brunow11 Abortion prevention: lesbian citizenship and filmmaking in Sweden in the 1970s -- Ingrid Ryberg12 The caring nation: Don't Ever Wipe Tears Without Gloves as a reparative fantasy -- Anu KoivunenIndex

This paper seeks to draw on the tools of Ernesto Laclau's theory of discourse, hegemony and populism as well as recent Essex School work on populism to examine the discourse of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and, in the process, come closer to a more systematic understanding of nature and limits of 'right-wing' populism as well as the interplay and distinction between populist and non-populist discursive logics more generally. The paper situates itself in the context of existing Essex School work that has distinguished populism from institutionalism - and, more recently, from nationalism - in terms of either the length of the equivalential chain or the centrality of "the people" as nodal point in addition to the degree of antagonistic division between "people" and "power." Building on this latter strand in the recent work of Yannis Stavrakakis and others, this paper proposes a formal distinction between 'populism' and 'reductionism' as internal to Laclau's theory of populism. Reductionism, it is argued, tends to reduce "the people" onto a differential particularity that sets 'a priori' limits on the equivalential chain as opposed to constructing it as a 'tendentially empty signifier' attached to an 'open-ended' chain - producing a tendential 'closure' of the equivalential chain and thus undercutting the primacy of the logic of equivalence that is fundamental to Laclau's understanding of populism and subsequent Essex School applications of it. It is argued that predominantly ethno-, cultural- or nativist-reductionist discourses may nonetheless deploy a populist logic of 'partial openings' in the equivalential chain, especially through the selective equivalential incorporation of sexual or ethno-linguistic minorities against a common (often "Islamic") constitutive outside. This is demonstrated empirically in a discourse analysis of the AfD and its development from a "competition populism" into an ethno-culturally reductionist conception of "the people" coexisting with partial openings in relation to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community and Russian-Germans in the Berlin context in particular. ; The publication of this article was funded by the Open Access fund of the Leibniz Association.

AbstractFamilies are not only the first institution ever created, they are also, for most people, the first institution ever encountered. The preindustrial family structure, which was a function of local ecology and cooperation needs, instilled family members with different values, such as trust in strangers and respect for elders. These values passed through generations and, as we show in three studies, impact today's political attitudes and policies. First, using surveys of second-generation immigrants representing roughly 180 ethnicities living in 32 European countries, we show that the tighter kinship structure of a person's ancestors predicts right-wing cultural attitudes. Among those who are less engaged in politics, tighter ancestral kinship structure also predicts left-wing economic attitudes. In a second study, we control for country-level differences by comparing ethnic groups within countries and find that ancestral kinship strength predicts right-wing cultural attitudes but not left-wing economic attitudes. Finally, in a third study, we examine the policy implications of ancestral kinship. We show that stronger country-level ancestral kinship strength also increases anti-LGBT policies and welfare spending. Finally, we examine whether value systems link preindustrial kinship with modern political attitudes. In total, this work indicates that our political beliefs are rooted in the value systems and familial institutions created by our forebears.

Es un placer y un honor para la colección "Sexualidades" de las Presses universitaires de Lyon y para mí mismo introducir en el universo francófono la primera traducción de una obra de Jeffrey Weeks, un autor cuya influencia internacional en el campo de los estudios sobre la sexualidad en las ciencias humanas y sociales solo es comparable a la de uno de nuestros pensadores más ilustres, Michel Foucault. Los primeros libros de Jeffrey Weeks, Socialism and the New Life, junto a Sheila Rowbotham, y muy especialmente Coming out: Homosexual Politics in Britain from the Nineteenth Century to the Present, se publicaron en el Reino Unido a partir de 1977. Ambos han sido traducidos a diversas lenguas, pero es al segundo al que debe Weeks su renombre en el mundo de la investigación sobre las sexualidades. Hasta donde tenemos conocimiento, solo se han traducido al francés cuatro artículos o extractos de sus obras (Weeks 1993; 2000; 2008; 2011b). En Francia no se ha traducido ningún libro en su integridad. Las razones sociológicas de esta ausencia aún están por aclararse, pero sin duda se ligan al lento desarrollo de los estudios y las investigaciones sobre las sexualidades, en particular de aquellos que conciernen a los temas LGBT.

As we move beyond the third wave of feminism, some question the need for separate departments and degree programs focused on the study of women. This paper argues that Women's Studies programs are necessary to the academy. This argument is made through a review of the literature on the history and development of Women's Studies programs in order to examine the past, and a survey of the presence of Women's Studies and LGBT programs in 159 colleges/universities in 2012 in an attempt to examine the present. The battle Women's Studies has fought and continues to fight in order to assert itself as a valid field of study in the university, complicated by the struggle of establishing itself as an entirely new discipline rather than a branch of a larger one has resulted in an identity crisis surrounding issues of purpose and disciplinary canon. I argue that the biases and prejudices built into the structure of the university are still at play, and though they are subtler, they are no less insidious than before. Considering this structure is important for academic librarians who often work as liaisons for departments that each have internal and external structures and politics to navigate while working to provide the best possible service to faculty and students.

The United Nations (UN) promote gender equality and the fight against sexual violence on a global scale. Highlighting gender (in)equality and its effect on people are fundamental elements in promoting equality between sex and gender, regardless of the hierarchy, environment and social background. When addressing gender equality, it is essential to understand that the UNs gender mainstreaming agenda is merely a tool used to work towards gender equality. Sexual violence is recognised as a global issue, and the UN has promoted its work in combatting Conflict-Related Sexual Violence (CRSV). However, when it comes to Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (SEA) by UN peacekeepers, this has received too little attention in the international arena, including the world of academia. Although the issue has been discussed within academics, the attention seems to peak in the aftermath of violations. As a result of the Secretary Generals' Bulletins published in 2003, the attention for Sexual Exploitation and Abuse by peacekeepers rose. Despite this, the UN has been criticised for painting the perpetrators of SEA as "a few bad apples" rather than acknowledging a more significant systemic flaw. This paper examines the gaps of the UNs gender mainstreaming agenda within the Specialized Training Materials (STMs) on the Prevention of Sexual Exploitation and Abuse (PSEA) by UN peacekeepers. Factors such as militarized masculinity, patriarchy and gender (in)equality are heavily discussed topics within the realm of SEA and provide possible explanations as to why this is happening. Using concepts from feminist research and a perspective on Gender-Based Violence (GBV) and Othering, this thesis makes the argument for a need to add knowledge on gender perspectives and a focus on GBV into the PSEA curriculum as part of the larger mainstreaming agenda. It is crucial for the general fight for gender equality that the UN shift its focus from simply "adding women" to a more genuine representation of men and women as more than their "femininity and masculinity". A thematic analysis of the PSEA training materials was conducted by drawing on the conceptual framework and led to the key findings of possible implementations of a gendered perspective to the STMs. Keywords: Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, UN peacekeeping, training, gender mainstreaming, feminist research, gender-based violence, male survivors, LGBT+, Othering Key concepts: Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, UN peacekeeping, training, gender mainstreaming, gender equality, feminist research, gender-based violence, male survivors, LGBT+, Othering