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`Queer Studies' researches diverse identities beyond the bounds of heteronormative discourse and simultaneously argues for a fundamental critique of identity, in which the focus is placed on the categories of gender and sexuality which are so important in political and power struggles. This anthology explores the connection between the practical knowledge and everyday practices of queer experience with academic knowledge in a new way, and deftly combines the analysis of production, distribution and consumption of such knowledges with. The essays are based on a broadly conceived understanding of culture, and inquire into the (im)possibilities of queer politics from the perspectives of various disciplines and individual positions of identification.

Intro -- Half-Title -- Series -- Title -- Contents -- Globalizing Sport Studies Series Editor's Preface -- Acknowledgements -- List of Tables -- A Chronology of Sport and Social Movements -- List of Acronyms -- Introduction -- 1 Analysing Sport and (Global) Social Movements -- Competing approaches to the study of social movements -- From old to global social movements and alter-globalization -- The importance of studying sport and social movements within alter-globalization -- 2 From Workers' Sport to Alter-Sport and Global Workers' Rights -- Uniting workers through sport or providing sport for workers -- From sport for all to alter-global sport -- Sports mega-events as a platform for promoting workers' and human rights -- Conclusion -- 3 Women's Movements and Sport -- The complex contours of studying the global women's movement -- The women and sport 'movement' -- Unresolved tensions between the global women's movement and sport -- 4 Rights Movements and Sport -- Human rights as a dominant discourse -- Making sense of rights movements and sport -- The politics of 'race' and sport: The American civil rights movement and the anti-apartheid movement -- Disability rights -- LGBT rights -- Conclusion -- 5 Sport and the Global Peace Movement -- History and features of the global peace movement -- Connecting sport to the peace movement -- Sport and peace education -- 6 Sport and the Environmental Movement -- A brief history of environmental movements -- The Olympic games, sport and environmental sustainability -- Environmental movements and sport -- Sport and corporate environmentalism -- Conclusion -- Conclusion -- References -- eCopyright.

"In the popular imagination, Islam is often associated with words like oppression, totalitarianism, intolerance, cruelty, misogyny, and homophobia, while its presumed antonyms are Christianity, the West, liberalism, individualism, freedom, citizenship, and democracy. In the most alarmist views, the West's most cherished values - freedom, equality, and tolerance - are said to be endangered by Islam worldwide. Joseph Massad's Islam in Liberalism explores what Islam has become in today's world, with full attention to the multiplication of its meanings and interpretations. He seeks to understand how anxieties about tyranny, intolerance, misogyny, and homophobia, seen in the politics of the Middle East, are projected onto Islam itself. Massad shows that through this projection, Europe emerges as democratic and tolerant, feminist, and pro-LGBT rights - or, in short, Islam-free. Massad documents the Christian and liberal idea that we should missionize democracy, women's rights, sexual rights, tolerance, equality, and even therapies to cure Muslims of their un-European, un-Christian, and illiberal ways. Along the way he sheds light on a variety of controversial topics, including the meanings of democracy - and the ideological assumption that Islam is not compatible with it while Christianity is - women in Islam, sexuality and sexual freedom, and the idea of Abrahamic religions valorizing an interfaith agenda. Islam in Liberalism is an unflinching critique of Western assumptions and of the liberalism that Europe and Euro-America blindly present as a type of salvation to an assumingly unenlightened Islam."

Video games have long been seen as the exclusive territory of young, heterosexual white males. In a media landscape dominated by such gamers, players who do not fit this mold, including women, people of color, and LGBT people, are often brutalized in forums and in public channels in online play. Discussion of representation of such groups in games has frequently been limited and cursory. In contrast, Gaming at the Edge builds on feminist, queer, and postcolonial theories of identity and draws on qualitative audience research methods to make sense of how representation comes to matter. In Gaming at the Edge, Adrienne Shaw argues that video game players experience race, gender, and sexuality concurrently. She asks: How do players identify with characters? How do they separate identification and interactivity? What is the role of fantasy in representation? What is the importance of understanding market logic? In addressing these questions Shaw reveals how representation comes to matter to participants and offers a perceptive consideration of the high stakes in politics of representation debates. Putting forth a framework for talking about representation, difference, and diversity in an era in which user-generated content, individualized media consumption, and the blurring of producer/consumer roles has lessened the utility of traditional models of media representation analysis, Shaw finds new insight on the edge of media consumption with the invisible, marginalized gamers who are surprising in both their numbers and their influence in mainstream gamer culture.

This study analyses the linguistic landscape of Wilton Manors, Florida, as it surfaces on its main street, Wilton Drive. Wilton Manors is a community with one of the largest LGBT populations in the US. The study thus makes a contribution to the field of linguistic landscapes and sexuality, using normativity as a central theoretical reference point. The data for the study were collected during a daytime walk on Wilton Drive and consist of photos of store fronts, restaurants, bars, advertisements and other signs, supplemented by printed material collected on the Drive and information provided by the official website of Wilton Drive. In my multimodal analysis, I investigate linguistic and non-linguistic signage, identifying mechanisms that render Wilton Drive a gay space. More specifically, I analyze how signage is used to discursively construct sexual identity, gender, desire and sexual practices. It is shown that homonormativity plays a central role in this context. Same-sex sexualities are discursively constructed as the local norm. At the same time, the signage on Wilton Drive is highly exclusive in the sense that it represents predominantly gay male experiences, whereas heterosexualities, lesbian and other sexualities are discursively marginalized or even silenced. At the same time, particular versions of gay masculinity are privileged, namely ones that can be described as white, middle-class and focused on consumption, gay identity politics and non-romantic forms of sexual activity.

This dissertation looks back at how popular queer films—canonical then or now—were programmed at urban art-house, independent, repertory, and second-run theaters primarily from 1968 to 1989. Contrary to assumptions that undergird queer film criticism, queer cinema was by no means marginal, rare, peripheral, or strictly nocturnal within these spaces. What I call deviant programming in art-house and repertory houses provides pivotal access into an underlying register of subversive and deviant spectatorial political imaginaries beyond the LGBT circumscription to which queer politics has grown accustomed. Programming, the practice of selecting films to be shown for exhibition in a specific space for a specific audience, aggregates discrete texts to form interrelated networks. It continually offers spectators of all sexualities and genders opportunities to encounter narratives about non-normative subjectivities. Positioning calendars and programs as acute indicators for spectatorial desires, I argue that these practices shook audiences with depictions of masochism, bodily fetishes, abjection, and other "degenerate" practices that fall outside of or are relegated within the bourgeois ethos of sexual propriety. Programming metabolized these confrontational aesthetics, leading spectators to enjoy, resist, discover, as well as learn from their atypical renderings of sexual pleasure and gender performativity. Merging concepts in affect studies (e.g., contact zones and reparativity) with semiotics (e.g., intertextuality and bricolage), I try to capture what it means to feel the intertextuality of programming, both in knowable and inchoate forms.

Since the scholarship that exists on lesbian organizing in the Midwest neglects to engage with the history of Latina lesbian organizing, this project focuses on Latina lesbians as agents of change and active subjects of a multiracial history of grass-roots organizing. I explore the history of two organizations in Chicago — LLENA, an activist organization that existed from 1988 to 1992, and Amigas Latinas, a Latina lesbian, bisexual, and transgender advocacy organization that was founded in 1995 and is still in existence. My analysis is based on oral interviews, participant observation, archival records (minutes, flyers, newsletters, letters, and financial papers), and media accounts in the Chicago gay press. I describe the founding of LLENA and Amigas Latinas, their efforts to create Latina lesbian visibility in both the "Latino" and "lesbian" social and political cultures of Chicago, and their successful and unsuccessful attempts to negotiate divergent national and ethnic histories, class and linguistic differences, and the diverse political stances of their membership. I also look at the coalition-building politics that the two organizations established with other Latino and queer communities in Chicago and internationally, their strategies for sustainability, and their enduring contributions. I argue that through small and large accomplishments, both LLENA and Amigas Latinas advance significant cultural and political change in the Chicago area. The collective effort of Latina lesbians to create and occupy public spaces is inherently political and has forever altered the mainstream LGBT and Latino communities in Chicago.

The state uses public funeral practice and large-scale national mourning as an opportunity to affirm cultural and sexual norms as state values, as evidenced in state and military funerals. My dissertation, "Queering U.S. Public Mourning Practice: Funerals, Performance, and the Construction of Normativity," argues that funeral practice in fact exposes the precarity of traditional kinship and sexual practices while simultaneously constructing the heteronuclear family and heterosexuality as norms. I argue that public funerals appropriate practices and aesthetics coded as abject, socially excessive, and queer in order to demonstrate their distance from these national "others." My investigation divides loosely into two parts. I begin by juxtaposing the funerals of national heroes (Presidents Lincoln, Kennedy, and Reagan and fallen soldiers of the Iraq war) with the funerals and mourning practices of LGBT people and people of color within these sites. These first chapters propose a politics of visibility which calls attention to the relationship between the invisible and the hypervisible. In the second half of the dissertation, I turn to funeral and memorial practices already framed by difference: New York's African Burial Ground and the virtual altars devoted to the memory of Gloria Anzaldúa. With these two chapters I argue that the normative operates as a performative tool wielded to gain access and rights or as a foil to mourning practices that contest borders of memory and death.

Recent world politics has witnessed the rise of a certain style of authoritarianism. It can be roughly characterized with a cult of masculine leadership, a popular rhetoric of foreign investment and development, and a phobia of the illegal immigrant made into an ethical obligation. These contradictory forms of politics – the paean to multinational corporations, free trade, and the 'bloc'-ing of power and the simultaneous mobilization of hyper-nationalism in the form of censoring books and throttling subversive aesthetic practices – characterize the conception and practice of what may be called "authoritarian democracy." Considering the democratically elected basis of this authoritarianism, it becomes all the more important to ask if democracy paves the way for it. In that case, where do we locate democracy today? Is it right to say that the real democratic space unfolds itself in people's movements and not in the electoral process? If this is the case, a radical conception of democracy would have to account for a shift of emphasis from the locus of governance to that of resistance and co-option. Historically speaking, democracy may not always be the means but it has been one of the ends for the various acts of resistance such as the working class, anti-colonial, nationalist, feminist, LGBT, or constitutional multiculturalism. In our sour and hungry times, when state aggression is overpowering the geographical marking (Russia's in Ukraine or Israel's in Palestine), or strangling the voice of internal resistance (North Eastern regions in India), not to mention religious fundamentalism, we need to rethink the old questions of democracy and resistance. With the ISIS, Boko Haram or the Taliban practice, we have seen how resistance itself can produce a dangerous authoritarianism which further complicates the relations between democracy, authoritarianism, and resistance. How do we historicize and ethically theorize resistance in relation to both democracy and an authoritarianism which borders on fascism?

Recent world politics has witnessed the rise of a certain style of authoritarianism. It can be roughly characterized with a cult of masculine leadership, a popular rhetoric of foreign investment and development, and a phobia of the illegal immigrant made into an ethical obligation. These contradictory forms of politics – the paean to multinational corporations, free trade, and the 'bloc'-ing of power and the simultaneous mobilization of hyper-nationalism in the form of censoring books and throttling subversive aesthetic practices – characterize the conception and practice of what may be called "authoritarian democracy." Considering the democratically elected basis of this authoritarianism, it becomes all the more important to ask if democracy paves the way for it. In that case, where do we locate democracy today? Is it right to say that the real democratic space unfolds itself in people's movements and not in the electoral process? If this is the case, a radical conception of democracy would have to account for a shift of emphasis from the locus of governance to that of resistance and co-option. Historically speaking, democracy may not always be the means but it has been one of the ends for the various acts of resistance such as the working class, anti-colonial, nationalist, feminist, LGBT, or constitutional multiculturalism. In our sour and hungry times, when state aggression is overpowering the geographical marking (Russia's in Ukraine or Israel's in Palestine), or strangling the voice of internal resistance (North Eastern regions in India), not to mention religious fundamentalism, we need to rethink the old questions of democracy and resistance. With the ISIS, Boko Haram or the Taliban practice, we have seen how resistance itself can produce a dangerous authoritarianism which further complicates the relations between democracy, authoritarianism, and resistance. How do we historicize and ethically theorize resistance in relation to both democracy and an authoritarianism which borders on fascism?

Frontmatter -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: Deviant Politics -- 1. "Flaunting the Transatlantic Breeze": Sexual Dissidents on the Left -- 2. "After Sex, What?": Politicizing Sex on the Left -- 3. "To Be One with the People": Homosexuality and the Cultural Front -- 4. "If I Can Die under You": Homosexuality and Labor on the Left -- 5. "Socialism & Sex Is What I Want": Women, Gender, and Sexual Dissidence in the 1930s and 1940s -- 6. "Playing the Queers": Homosexuality in Proletarian Literature -- 7. "We Who Are Not Ill": Queer Antifascism -- 8. "The Secret Element of Their Vice": Deviant Politics in the Cold War -- List of Abbreviations -- Notes -- Index

Der Begriff der Postmoderne ist äußerst vielschichtig. Er bezieht sich auf eine sozialwissenschaftlich-politische Zeitdiagnose, versucht neuartige kulturelle Entwicklungen zu fassen und bezeichnet zudem ein heterogenes Diskurs-Feld. In diesem Band ist vor allem die US-amerikanische Counter Culture und der damit verknüpfte künstlerische Aktivismus von Interesse, der sich um queer identity politics und die damit verbundenen politischen Ziele - u.a. Reflexivierung und Politisierung von Sexualität - entfaltet hat. Das Buch stellt den kulturellen und intellektuellen Kontext vor, in dem sich seit einer Dekade in den USA die Queer Theory entwickelt hat. Die Queer Theory, als deren profilierteste Vertreterin Judith Butler gilt, stellt Sexualität und sexuelle Identitäten als eine Hauptachse sozial produzierter Differenzen ins Zentrum theoretischer und politischer Überlegungen. Der Band rückt eine zeit-historische Konstellation von Kunst, Wissenschaft und Politik in den Vordergrund, die ihre Beschreibung im Begriff der Postmoderne findet.

Chapter 1: Introduction -- Part I: The Weight of History -- Chapter 2: Echoes of the Past: Media and History in the Baltic Battlespace -- Chapter 3: Russian Disinformation: The Forest Brothers, Baltic Resistance, and NATO -- Part II: The Weight of Ethnicity -- Chapter 4: Making Sense of Public Media in Times of Geo-Political Crisis: Latvian Public Media and their Ethno-Linguistic Majority and Minority Audiences -- Chapter 5: Building Bridges: Estonian- and Russian-Speaking TV Audiences and the Value of Estonian Public Service Broadcasting, 2010–2020.-Chapter 6: Building or Banning? Russian-Language TV in Latvia -- Part III: The Digital Challenges -- Chapter 7: Bots, Trolls, Elves, and the Information War in Lithuania: Theoretical Considerations and Practical Problems -- Chapter 8: Robotrolling in the Baltic States -- Part IV: The Responses,- Chapter 9: Disinformation Analysis and Citizen Activism in the "Post-Truth" Era: The Case of DebunkEU.org -- Chapter 10: The Perils of Defense in an Information War: Media, Minorities, and the Threat Next Door -- Chapter 11: NATO's Response to Information Warfare Threats -- Part V: The Complications -- Chapter 12: "Let Them Flee to Sweden: There, Everyone Looks at Them More Politely": Gay Propaganda and LGBT Rights in the Baltic States -- Chapter 13: The Best of Enemies: Identity, Recursion, and the Convergence of Kremlin and Estonian Strategic Narratives in the Global Populist Discourse -- Part VI: Epilogue -- Chapter 14: Epilogue: Baltic Journalists Respond to Disinformation.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Table of Contents -- List of illustrations -- List of contributors -- Introduction -- Introduction: Contextualising disability and sexuality studies -- Part I Theoretical frames and intersections -- Chapter 1 Theorising disabled people's sexual, intimate, and erotic lives: Current theories for disability and sexuality -- Chapter 2 Theoretical developments: Queer theory meets crip theory -- Chapter 3 Thinking differently with Deleuze about the sexual capacities of bodies and the case of infertility amongst men with Down syndrome -- Chapter 4 A critical rethinking of sexuality and dementia: A prolegomenon to future work in critical dementia studies and critical disability studies -- Chapter 5 Combating old ideas and building identity: Sexual identity development in people with disabilities -- Chapter 6 Sexuality and disability in Brazil: Contributions to the promotion of agency and social justice -- Part II Subjugated histories and negotiating traditional discourses -- Chapter 7 Sexuality, disability and madness in California's eugenics era -- Chapter 8 Disability rights through reproductive justice: Eugenic legacies in the abortion wars -- Chapter 9 Sexuality and the disregard of lived reality: The sexual abuse of children and young people with disabilities -- Chapter 10 Sexuality and physical disability: Perspectives and practice within Orthodox Judaism -- Part III Politics, policies and legal frames across the world -- Chapter 11 Sexual citizenship, disability policy and facilitated sex in Sweden -- Chapter 12 Sexual health and disability in Zimbabwe -- Chapter 13 "Tick the straight box": Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT+) people with intellectual disabilities in the UK.