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"This edited collection discusses the changing contours of inequality and social justice in contemporary Canada. The book contains 12 essays written by leading scholars in the field and includes chapters on the welfare state, social activism, economic inequality, the labour market, racial justice, LGBT rights, and colonialism."--

El presente trabajo se organiza de la siguiente manera: el capítulo primero expone los antecedentes históricos de los movimientos sociales en el mundo y un acercamiento al proceso organizativo de los grupos LGBT(I) en Colombia; se realizó una recopilación de la información de los primeros pasos de conformación de los primeros movimientos por las luchas de los derechos homosexuales. El segundo capítulo se refiere al surgimiento y desarrollo del Movimiento LGBT(I) colombiano, cómo fue su conformación y consolidación, sus distintivos, fechas conmemorativas, hasta llegar a Colombia Diversa, principal organización integrante del movimiento. El capítulo tercero presenta las conquistas del Movimiento LGBT(I) colombiano, con los logros más relevantes alcanzados en materia legislativa. El cuarto y último capítulo plantea los retos y desafíos del Movimiento LGBT(I), así como los principales aliados y opositores que se han presentado en el transcurso de la lucha por la reivindicación de los derechos de la comunidad LGBT(I) ; INTRODUCCIÓN 5 CAPÍTULO 1. PROCESO ORGANIZATIVO DE LOS GRUPOS LGBT(I) EN COLOMBIA 10 1. Movimientos Sociales: antecedentes históricos y categoría de análisis 10 2. Las primeras luchas por los derechos de los homosexuales 21 3. Un acercamiento a los procesos en Colombia 23 3.1. Los Felipitos 23 3.2. Visionarios, revolucionarios desde las ideas 24 3.2.1. León Benhur Adalberto Zuleta Ruiz 24 3.2.2. Manuel Antonio Velandia Mora 28 3.3. Movimiento de Liberación Homosexual en Colombia (MLHC) 32 3.4. Grupo de Encuentro por la Liberación de los Gáis – GELG 33 3.5. Grupo de Estudio de la Cuestión Homosexual – GRECO 35 3.6. Década de los ochenta, surgimiento de diversos grupos en el país 36 CAPÍTULO 2. SURGIMIENTO Y DESARROLLO DEL MOVIMIENTO LGBT(I) EN COLOMBIA 37 1. Surgimiento del Movimiento LGBT(I) colombiano 37 2. Desarrollo del Movimiento LGBT(I) colombiano 39 2.1. Símbolos y fechas de importante conmemoración 40 2.1.1. Bandera Arcoíris 41 2.1.2. Fechas conmemorativas 42 2.2. Colombia Diversa 43 CAPÍTULO 3. CONQUISTAS DEL MOVIMIENTO LGBT(I) EN COLOMBIA 47 1. Batallas ganadas por el Movimiento LGBT(I) colombiano en la lucha por el reconocimiento de sus derechos. 47 2. Reacciones frente a los logros alcanzados por el Movimiento LGBT(I) colombiano 57 CAPÍTULO 4. RETOS Y DESAFÍOS PRESENTES Y FUTUROS DEL MOVIMIENTO LGBT(I) Y SUS PRINCIPALES ALIADOS Y DETRACTORES EN LA LUCHA 62 1. Retos y desafíos presentes y futuros 62 2. Aliados y detractores en la lucha 66 CONCLUSIONES 69 REFERENCIAS 72 ; Maestría ; The present work is organized as follows: the first chapter presents the historical antecedents of social movements in the world and an approach to the organizational process of LGBT (I) groups in Colombia; A compilation of information was made on the first steps in the formation of the first movements for the struggles of homosexual rights. The second chapter refers to the emergence and development of the Colombian LGBT (I) Movement, how was its formation and consolidation, its distinctive, commemorative dates, until reaching Colombia Diversa, the main member organization of the movement. The third chapter presents the achievements of the Colombian LGBT (I) Movement, with the most relevant achievements in legislative matters. The fourth and final chapter raises the challenges and challenges of the LGBT Movement (I), as well as the main allies and opponents that have come forward in the course of the struggle for the vindication of the rights of the LGBT community (I)

Great. Thank you, Kate, and thanks to everybody for being here today. In January 2020, OutRight Action International and Human Rights Watch published a report called "Even if You Go to the Skies, We'll Find You," regarding violence against LGBT people since the Taliban takeover in Afghanistan. What happened was in August of 2021 when the Taliban took over Afghanistan, there was an immediate reaction in terms of what was going to happen to LGBTQ people. I was finishing up my time at Human Rights Watch working in the LGBT Rights Program and was getting ready to transition to OutRight Action International.

Introduction -- Part 1: Cameroon -- Indomitable lions -- Do no harm -- More fear than joy -- Human rights feeds on horror -- Love falls on us -- Part 2: Cote d'Ivoire -- Here in the realm of art -- L'Affaire pédophilie -- A life for two -- Winners and losers -- Brahima du jardin -- Part 3: Liberia -- Everybody will carry their own burden -- Anti-Liberian, anti-God -- Let the awareness be created -- Grown woman -- Finding our own champion -- Selected interviews.

Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR) programmes have been acknowledged as a crucial part of peacebuilding initiatives and the importance of ensuring that they are gender responsive has been increasingly recognized by the international community. However, policy guidance has failed to include ex-combatants who do not conform to a narrow, binary understandingof gender and make no reference to sexual and gender minorities. Similarly, LGBT excombatants have been overlooked by scholars and very little is known of their experiences as they transition to civilian life. This article explores the varied experiences of LGBT ex-combatants who have been part of three different armed groups in Colombia. Using semi-structured interviews with ex-combatantsfrom the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), the 19th of April Movement (M-19) and the United Self-Defenders of Colombia (AUC), this article shows how DDR processes may generate significant and rapid transformations for sexual and gender minorities. The article also outlines particular challenges faced by LGBT ex-combatants. In conclusion, I argue that policy makers and researchers should incorporate a gender perspective in DDR that moves beyond a narrow, binary understanding of gender in order to respond to the needs, ensure the participation, and protect the rights of LGBT ex-combatants.

The practice of South-South Cooperation for the purpose of policy transfer has achieved great political interest and priority in recent years. However, some public policies have had greater success than others in getting transferred across countries of the geopolitical South. In this framework, this research project has looked into why participatory and rights-based policies in Brazil, especially the policy on education for human rights, have not diffused internationally despite governmental efforts. Five cases were compared where Brazil cooperated with Haiti, Cuba, El Salvador and Guinea Bissau. ; 1.Introduction 2.International Cooperation for Development 3.South-South Cooperation as Emancipation and as Technical Cooperation 4.Brazil and South-South Cooperation 5.South-South Cooperation on Human Rights 6.International Diffusion of Public Policies: theoretical framework 6.1.Policy Transfer 6.2.Policy Borrowing and Lending 6.3.Theory on the Norm Lifecyle 7.Five projects, five attempts to promote human rights in the South 7.1.Cooperation Brazil – Haiti for the promotion of the rights of persons with disabilities 7.2.Cooperation Brazil – Guinea Bissau for the promotion of the right to birth registration 7.3.Cooperation Brazil – Guinea Bissau for Human Rights Education 7.4.Cooperation Brazil – El Salvador in combating sexual violence against children 7.5.Cooperation Brazil – Cuba – The Netherlands for the promotion of LGBT rights 8.Analysis and conclusions References Annex – Interview protocols

AbstractLesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) movements have too often been dominated by US liberal individualist framings of lesbian and gay rights, resulting in the hegemony of US‐focused issues and institutional actions, despite the irony that the US government has been relatively unsupportive of LGBT rights on the international stage. We argue that transnational, grassroots queer movements embody more profound aspirations that do not limit the meaning of queer liberation to singular identity politics or rights‐restraining institutions. Specifically, we point to transnational and Third World‐based queer movements that offer more complex structural analyses of sexual oppression as well as more visionary praxes of sexual rights. Drawing on lessons from two cases of queer human rights praxis from the Philippines and México, we assert that a queer grassroots enactment of human rights allows for multiple subaltern constituencies to find – and to make – a place in human rights discourses; queer identity and actions create social formations that expand human rights agendas to further embody the intersectionality, interdependence and transnationality of daily life. Key to these enactments of queer human rights praxis are prefigurative politics and rooted cosmopolitanism, which catalyze new expansions of human rights to include intersectional framings and practices of erotic justice.

This article draws on Mouffe's theory of agonistic democracy and critique of hegemonic consensuses to examine whether and how homonationalism can come to fuel antagonisms levelled against the gender+ movements. Using discourse analysis, the article analyses the case study of Denmark, where in 2018 the anti-gender campaign openly challenged the government's homonationalist discourse. The analysis confirms that the government's homonationalist discourse establishes modes of exclusion from the national imaginary, which the anti-gender actors contest by articulating an antagonism levelled against the gender+ movements' attributed queer ideology. The antagonising potential of homonationalist discursive practices is further substantiated by pointing to the ways in which the government's discourse reinforces a liberal idea of citizenship that gives priority to liberal rights over the democratic values of popular sovereignty and participation. Conversely, the anti-gender discourse gives priority to popular sovereignty at the expense of gender minority rights. Both the governments' and the anti-gender actors' discourses are thus found to fall short in terms of the prescripts of an agonistic public sphere. The article therefore argues for an abandonment of homonationalist discursive practices, when manifesting as a hegemonic consensus, which reinforces a liberal idea of citizenship to install a plural agonistic public sphere concerning sexual and gender minority politics.

Introduction : on EU democracy promotion, the question of depoliticisation, and the case of Turkey -- (De)politicisation, (neo-)liberal governmentality, and hegemonic struggles -- The (neo-)liberal governmentality of EU civil society programs -- The (de)politicisation of women's rights organisations in a complex context -- (De)politicising LGBT rights organisations and the effects of visibility -- The (de)politicisisation of the securitised Kurdish rights issue -- Conclusions.

Virtually everyone supports religious liberty, and virtually everyone opposes discrimination. But how do we handle the hard questions that arise when exercises of religious liberty seem to discriminate unjustly? How do we promote the common good while respecting conscience in a diverse society? This point-counterpoint book brings together leading voices in the culture wars to debate such questions: John Corvino, a longtime LGBT-rights advocate, opposite Ryan T. Anderson and Sherif Girgis, prominent young defenders of the traditional view of marriage. Many such questions have arisen in response to same-sex marriage: How should we treat county clerks who do not wish to authorize such marriages, for example; or bakers, florists, and photographers who do not wish to provide services for same-sex weddings? But the conflicts are not limited to the LGBT-rights arena. And they implicate age-old questions about the role of government, the value of religion, and the challenges of living in a diverse and free society. The differences between Corvino and Anderson-Girgis, though nuanced, run deep. The debate between them is an important contribution to discussions about why religious liberty matters and what respecting it requires.