Discrimination against gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender Americans remains pervasive given the current lack of anti-discrimination legislation at both the federal and state levels. Specifically, discrimination in the workplace based on sexual orientation or gender identity remains legal in most states, while the federal government has failed to expand employment discrimination protections to LGBT employees.
Europe matters to contemporary LGBTQ politics. This chapter maps out various political articulations connecting Europe and LGBT rights today, arguing that Europe has played a central role in much of the LGBTQ movement's history but that this relationship is complex and multifaceted depending on the vast space of what "Europe" means to many different actors. In other words, Europe has been imagined and unimagined as LGBTQ-friendly by various actors and for various purposes. In making this argument the chapter presents "Europe" from four different angles, exploring the association between the continent and "LGBT rights" in each: Europe as an institutional entity, Europe as an activist project, Europe as exclusionary, and Europe as a threat. It takes a position on how the relationship is defined in each section, highlighting both the opportunity and risk that entails for LGBT rights and people on the continent. In doing so, the chapter highlights the ways European states and institutions have gradually endorsed some activist goals, embedding LGBT rights into the version of Europe understood as an institutional entity. Problematically, however, it shows that this project also generates different forms of exclusion. Moreover, while many actors articulate an idea of Europe as associated with LGBT rights, these actors also compete to define the nature and the content of this association. Europe as an idea is thus multifaceted in its relation to LGBTQ politics, depending on the angle from which it is viewed.
PiS vs LGBT: The "Othering" of the LGBT Movement as an Element of Populist Radical Right Party Discourse in PolandThe article explores how the LGBT movement is "othered" to fit into right-wing populist discourse and is thereby utilised as an element of a political strategy by right-wing populist actors. I focus on Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość), a Polish populist radical right party (continuously in power since 2015), whose anti-LGBT rhetoric increased anew ahead of the 2019 European Parliament election. This study presents the results of a critical discourse analysis (conducted using Ruth Wodak and Martin Reisigl's analytical framework) of selected texts and visuals from the party's official website and from Twitter accounts of its prominent members. I analysed how the party representatives "other" LGBT Poles using discursive means, and how they frame homophobia within their broader populist discourse and instrumentalise it for political gains. I compare my findings to the findings from an analysis of Law and Justice's anti-migration discourse ahead of the 2015 parliamentary election. The study is conducted within the framework of a larger study on "othering" as part of contemporary right-wing populism in Central and Eastern Europe. PiS vs LGBT. Kształtowanie obrazu "Innego" w przypadku ruchu LGBT jako element dyskursu populistycznej radykalnej partii prawicowej w PolsceArtykuł analizuje, w jaki sposób ruch LGBT jest przedstawiany jako "Inny" w celu dopasowania go do prawicowego populistycznego dyskursu, a tym samym jak jest wykorzystywany jako element strategii politycznej przez prawicowych populistycznych aktorów. Koncentruję się na Prawie i Sprawiedliwości, polskiej populistycznej partii radykalnej prawicy (u władzy nieprzerwanie od 2015 roku), której retoryka anty-LGBT nasiliła się na nowo przed wyborami do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2019 roku. Przeprowadzając krytyczną analizę dyskursu (w oparciu o ramy analityczne Ruth Wodak i Martina Reisigla) wybranych tekstów i materiałów wizualnych z oficjalnej strony internetowej partii oraz kont jej czołowych członków na Twitterze, przeanalizowałam, jakimi środkami dyskursywnymi przedstawiciele partii kształtują obraz Polaków LGBT jako "Innych", jak umieszczają homofobię w ramach szerszego populistycznego dyskursu i jak instrumentalizują ją dla uzyskania politycznych korzyści. Porównuję wyniki moich badań z wynikami analizy antymigracyjnego dyskursu Prawa i Sprawiedliwości przed wyborami parlamentarnymi w 2015 roku. Prace są prowadzone w ramach szerszego projektu na temat "inności" w ramach współczesnego prawicowego populizmu w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej.
U radu se daje pregled najvećih LGBT organizacija u SAD, njihovih organizacionih resursa, kao i načina uticaja na političare i medije. LGBT pokret je, tokom 1990-ih, završio tranziciju iz oslobodilačkog i sistemski autsajderskog, u lobistički i sistemski insajderski. U članku se iznose kritike disideneta LGBT pokreta na račun otuđenosti lidera LGBT establišmenta od istinskih interesa članstva. Na kraju se LGBT pokret i njegove organizacije sagledavaju sa stanovišta uspešnosti u ostvarivanju zadatih ciljeva i porede sa uspešnošću i uticajem kontra-pokreta hrišćanskih tradicionalista. ; This paper provides an overview of the major LGBT organizations in the U.S., their organizational resources, and ways to influence politicians and the media. LGBT movement during the 1990s, completed its transition from liberationist and the system outside position, to the lobbyist and system insider position. The paper discusses the criticism dissidents from LGBT movement consider the alienation of LGBT establishment of the true interests of its membership. At the end of the article LGBT movement and its organizations are considered from the point of success in achieving the goals and compared with the achievements and impact of counter-movement of Christian traditionalists.
LGBT/Q film festivals are an integral part of the social practice of queer film culture. They are places where social, political and economic discourses intersect and where LGBT/Q identities, representation through film, definitions of queer cinema, community and global queer politics are negotiated. The festivals themselves are constantly responding to the changing surroundings and demands from stakeholders such as their audience base, the communities they want to serve, and economic and political stakeholders. The versatile, ever evolving form of the festival speaks to its performative formation. Therefore, the concepts of performativity, the performative and performance lend themselves to the analysis of the mechanisms and processes at play there. This study, situated at the intersection of film and media studies, sociology and queer theory, builds its arguments on the interdisciplinary field of film festival studies, and sets out to argue for the value of applying the concepts of the performative, performativity and performance to the study of film festivals in general, and LGBT/Q film festivals in particular. As the discussion of the concepts in chapter 1 show, the performative as developed by Austin in language philosophy and its further transposition to performativity in the theorizations of philosophy and literature by Derrida, for gender/queer theory by Butler, and performance for ethnography by Turner, and in theater/performance studies by Fischer-Lichte and McKenzie provides a versatile analytical arsenal for the analysis of film festivals. At the same time it is highly compatible with other existing concepts and theorizations such as event, public sphere, and networks and flows that have already been canonically applied to festival studies. In chapter 2, I mobilize the historical dimension of the performative to discuss the formation of LGBT/Q film festivals and their circuit. There, I sketch out the historical development of the LGBT/Q film festival while paying attention also to the larger social, political, geographic, and economic contexts. The discursive historiography is accompanied by an empirical one, where I analyze the growth pattern and global spread of the LGBT/Q film festival circuit. Along with the global perspective, a discussion of US-American (Frameline, NewFest, MIX NYC), German (Lesbisch Schwule Filmtage Hamburg, Verzaubert, Berlinale Teddy Award) and Austrian (identities) case studies provides further depth in understanding the evolution of the festivals and the circuit. Having drawn a broad picture of the circuit in chapter 3, I zoom in to look at a number of specific incidents of disruption and boycotts as case studies to unravel the different layers in which LGBT/Q film festivals as instances of queer film culture are performed (or failed). In this chapter I mobilize mainly perspectives of performativity and performance from ethnography and performance studies. These are put in synch with concepts such as public spheres, audience address, and event culture in three steps: selection, exhibition, and reception. Under the heading of selection, I discuss the performance of queer cinema as it becomes visible in the practices of selection of films and their programming at LGBT/Q film festivals. There I discuss various processes involved in programming, ranging from pre-selection, to screening committees, to programming strategies. Two historical incidents from the history of Frameline, the "Lesbian Riot" and the "Genderator" incident, serve as examples of how programming directly interrelates with identity negotiations. In the section on exhibition, I turn to the performative architecture of an LGBT/Q film festival by shedding light on the event itself, which follows specific scripts and rituals. In the last section on reception, I look at the corresponding side of these processes and look at the audience. Here, I discuss the formation of a counterpublic sphere, audience address, and the specific reception context of a festival. Two further festival boycotts are presented to analyze how LGBT/Q film festivals operate as queer counterpublic spheres that activists utilize for political intervention. The last section discusses the communal experience of collective viewing and the impact on the formation of a festival community. With this take on audiences, community and reception contexts, the chapter returns to the question of how LGBT/Q film festivals are an integral part of the practices of queer film culture, which was raised in the introduction. In the concluding outlook to the study I propose three further research trajectories. While the study mostly relied on conceptions of performativity and performance in the sense developed in ethnography, gender/queer theory and performance studies, another aspect of performance can be productively brought to bear on the subject of (LGBT/Q) film festivals: performance in the economic sense of efficiency and achievement.
Cilj je rada proučiti na koji je način pristupanje Hrvatske Europskoj uniji utjecalo na LGBT pokret. Budući da zemlje Srednje i Istočne Europe, nakon raspada komunizma i tijekom procesa europeizacije, dijele slične karakteristike po pitanju razvoja LGBT pokreta, ovaj rad analizira dvije hipoteze oblikovane kroz studiju slučaja Poljske: (1) proces europskih integracija zemalja u postsocijalističkoj Europi unaprjeđuje formalni zakonski status LGBT osoba i podiže vidljivost LGBT aktivističkih mreža i (2) nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji jačaju dotad potisnuti konzervativni pokreti protiv LGBT zajednice. Rad prati razvoj LGBT pokreta kroz tri vremenske faze. Prva faza obuhvaća period od osamostaljenja Hrvatske, pa sve do 2000. godine kad u Hrvatskoj počinje proces europeizacije. Druga faza obuhvaća period od početka procesa europeizacije do pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, a treća se faza odnosi na period nakon ulaska zemlje u EU. Unutar svake faze proučavaju se sastavnice modela političkog procesa, struktura političkih prilika, aktivističke mreže i diskurzivno uokviravanje tema važnih za LGBT pokret. Analizom je utvrđeno da je tijekom procesa pristupanja Europskoj uniji u Hrvatskoj unaprijeđen pravni položaj homoseksualnih osoba te je pojačana njihova vidljivost u društvu. To se očituje u osnivanju civilnih udruga, organiziranju povorki ponosa, donošenju Zakona o istospolnim zajednicama i uvođenju antidiskriminacijskih normi u zakonodavstvo. Diskurzivnom analizom 328 članaka došlo se do rezultata da je u devedesetima na snazi razdoblje šutnje o homoseksualnosti. U periodu europeizacije i onom nakon pristupanja Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, diskurzivne se ideje kreću unutar triju okvira: društvene prihvaćenosti, europeizacije i pitanja drugog reda. Iako je period nakon ulaska Hrvatske u EU nedovoljno dug da bi se sa sigurnošću potvrdila druga hipoteza, referendum o ustavnoj definiciji braka i lobiranje protiv izglasavanja Zakona o životnom partnerstvu osoba istog spola dobri su pokazatelji da se konzervativni pokret protiv LGBT zajednice u Hrvatskoj konsolidirao. ; This paper examines how Croatia's path towards joining the European Union affected the LGBT movement. Due to Central and Eastern European countries sharing similar characteristics regarding the development of the LGBT movement after the abandonment of communism and during the Europeanization process, this paper follows two hypotheses formed through a case study of Poland: (1) the process of European integration in post-socialist Europe promotes the formal legal status of LGBT people and improves the visibility of the LGBT activist network (2) since the country's accession to the EU the formerly repressed conservative movements against the LGBT community have become stronger. The paper examines the development of the LGBT movement over three time periods. The first period covers the time between Croatia gaining independence and starting its Europeanization process in 2000; the second period lies between the start of the Europeanization process and Croatia's accession to the EU; the third phase covers the time after the accession. For every phase the following parts of the political process model are examined: the political opportunity structure, the activist network and the discursive framing of topics important for the LGBT movement. Analysis confirms that the implementation of the requirements for becoming a member country improved the legal status of LGBT people and increased their visibility during that time. This manifested primarily as the founding of various associations, organizing pride parades, passing the Same-Sex Union Act and introducing sexual orientation anti-discrimination norms. A discourse analysis of 328 articles unveiled the 90's silence on homosexuality and revealed that in the next two phases discursive ideas have been present in three key areas: social acceptance, Europeanization and the "less important question". Even though the period after Croatia's accession is not long enough to definitively confirm the second hypothesis, the referendum on the constitutional definition of marriage and the lobbying for rejecting the Same-Sex Life Partnership Act are good indicators that the conservative movement against the LGBT community in Croatia consolidated its position.
This study aims to find out and explain how Indonesian people respond to LGBT behavior practices, how is the concept of Fulfillment of Human Rights in Indonesia for every citizen, how is human rights adopted and in accordance with the context to Indonesia ?, In this study, the author uses an approach case (case approach) and supplemented with literature review. This research is descriptive analytic, which is a method of collecting data and then analyzed using cases, coupled with reference books, legislation, and internet sources to support research. The results showed that the Indonesian people recognized the existence of LGBT that developed in other countries, including its presence in Indonesia, but Indonesian people who were based on religious values and values that lived and developed society could not accept LGBT behavioral practices. Fulfillment of the rights of every citizen does not necessarily without restrictions, including in terms of LGBT practice behavior, the state can provide restrictions in accordance with what has been stipulated in the law, which contains values that live in society. Human rights adopted by Indonesian citizens are limited (particular) not infinite (universal) as has been practiced by western countries.
In Russia, the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) community continues to exist under the pressure of stigmatizing invisibility in the general public discourse, particularly in the mainstream media, which ignore issues related to the advancement of human rights for sexual minorities. In 2013 a nationwide ban on "the propaganda of sodomy, lesbianism, bisexualism, and transgenderness among minors" was passed. Designed to broadly cover any non-heterosexual relationships, it prohibits their positive representation. In effect, the ban seriously impedes any public campaigns, in media and otherwise, which aim at the support of the LGBT community. In this situation, the internet, still relatively unrestricted when compared to Russia's traditional media outlets, remains a privileged space for LGBT people to form communities to participate in a meaningful public conversation about their political and social status as well as to discuss a variety of everyday concerns in a fairly non-hostile environment. The present study focuses on a specific case, which is a LiveJournal-based Russian-language blogging community called AntiDogma. A loosely organized grassroots gathering of internet users, AntiDogma is conceived of as an issue public centered on LGBT- related topics and as a counterpublic sphere which positions itself against the dominant public sphere and the hostile discourses it hosts. This dissertation is primarily informed by the theory of the public sphere and considerations about the social functions of the mass media. It set out to analyze a versatile functionality of the AntiDogma blogging community including information and news producing function, function of deliberative community building, and mobilization and coordination function. A case-study approach allowed the examination of AntiDogma in its context, together with the accompanying political and social processes. Textual analysis along the lines of social constructivism captured discourses, themes, and messages communicated in AntiDogma. The ...
Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) phenomena are one of the problems of the nation today. These problems become debatable among politicians, legal experts, and academicians. On the other hand, Pancasila Education is a personality development course that transforms the noble values of the nation has not been able to prevent the development of LGBT. Relating to the threats of LGBT, this study aims to develop an anti-LGBT values learning model that is integrated into the Pancasila Education. The initial stage of the study discusses the students' knowledge and attitudes towards LGBT. A Likert scale questionnaire was employed to collect data; the sample of the study was chosen randomly from students taking the Pancasila Education course. The data were analyzed using SPSS version 20. The research findings indicated that students had sufficient knowledge about LGBT, and they had a firm attitude against LGBT. This finding suggests that most students still have a good practice of religious and traditional values to stay away from LGBT.
This publication was produced as part of the project Call It Hate: Raising Awareness of Anti-LGBT Hate Crime, co-funded by the Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020) of the European Commission (grant agreement JUST-REC-DISC-AG-2016-04-764731). The content of this publication does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Responsibility for the information and views expressed in the publication lies entirely with the author(s). This publication may be downloaded free of charge from LGBTHateCrime.eu Preface In Europe and around the world, we have been seeing a sharp rise in hate and divisiveness, often targeting marginalised groups such as lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGBTI) people. Anti-LGBTI discourse is increasingly entering the global political stage and influencing societies, propagated by populist leaders stoking fear and breeding intolerance for the sake of political gain. This harmful rhetoric normalises hate and discrimination against LGBTI people, and encourages hate crimes and violence towards LGBTI people in action as well as speech, both online and in the physical world. The effect is dangerous and double-edged: it increases the likelihood of people being attacked for no reason other than their sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression and/or sex characteristics, while at the same time creating an environment that makes reporting hate crimes more difficult, as LGBTI people are no longer able to trust that authorities will treat them respectfully or that their case will be properly investigated – even where there are supportive policies and legislation in place. Against this background, it becomes all the more important to ensure that people – regardless of whether or not they identify as LGBTI – know how to spot anti-LGBTI hate crimes, how to respond to them, and how to support and empower victims. In this way not only can the risk of secondary victimisation be reduced, but a positive narrative is also introduced that sends a clear message to victims of hate crimes as well as to everyone in their wider social groups – the LGBTI community, their supporters, and the rest of society – that LGBTI people are deserving of the same recognition, respect and equality as everybody else. This issue is what the Call It Hate project addresses, working across borders with civil society, public authorities and the general public to discern awareness of anti-LGBT hate crime, recognition of the need to report, and to empower victims to access the support services for hate crime victims to which they are entitled, including under the Victims' Rights Directive of the EU (2012/29/EU). ILGA-Europe is proud to be an Associate Partner of the Call It Hate project, and is glad to support the crucial work it does towards making Europe a safer place for LGBTI people. Evelyne Paradis Executive Director, ILGA-Europe
This article contributes to the growing field of research on military LGBT policy development by exploring the case of Sweden, a non-NATO-member nation regarded as one of the most progressive in terms of the inclusion of LGBT personnel. Drawing on extensive archival work, the article shows that the story of LGBT policy development in the Swedish Armed Forces from 1944 to 2014 is one of long periods of status quo and relative silence, interrupted by leaps of rapid change, occasionally followed by the re-appearance of discriminatory policy. The analysis brings out two periods of significant change, 1971–1979 and 2000–2009, here described as turns in LGBT policy. During the first turn, the military medical regulation protocol's recommendation to exempt gay men from military service was the key issue. During these years, homosexuality was classified as mental illness, but in the military context it was largely framed in terms of security threats, both on a national level (due to the risk of blackmail) and for the individual homosexual (due to the homophobic military environment). In the second turn, the focus was increasingly shifted from the LGBT individual to the structures, targeting the military organization itself. Furthermore, the analysis shows that there was no ban against LGBT people serving in the Swedish Armed Forces, but that ways of understanding and regulating sexual orientation and gender identity have nonetheless shaped the military organization in fundamental ways, and continue to do so. ; Funding agencies: Swedish Council for Working Life and Social Research [2012-0934]; Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences [FOA10Amund-007, FOA12Amund-010]
This article contributes to the growing field of research on military LGBT policy development by exploring the case of Sweden, a non-NATO-member nation regarded as one of the most progressive in terms of the inclusion of LGBT personnel. Drawing on extensive archival work, the article shows that the story of LGBT policy development in the Swedish Armed Forces from 1944 to 2014 is one of long periods of status quo and relative silence, interrupted by leaps of rapid change, occasionally followed by the re-appearance of discriminatory policy. The analysis brings out two periods of significant change, 1971–1979 and 2000–2009, here described as turns in LGBT policy. During the first turn, the military medical regulation protocol's recommendation to exempt gay men from military service was the key issue. During these years, homosexuality was classified as mental illness, but in the military context it was largely framed in terms of security threats, both on a national level (due to the risk of blackmail) and for the individual homosexual (due to the homophobic military environment). In the second turn, the focus was increasingly shifted from the LGBT individual to the structures, targeting the military organization itself. Furthermore, the analysis shows that there was no ban against LGBT people serving in the Swedish Armed Forces, but that ways of understanding and regulating sexual orientation and gender identity have nonetheless shaped the military organization in fundamental ways, and continue to do so.
This thesis examines the political activities of the LGBT movement in Poland as it seeks to increase its position on the socio-political landscape and ultimately rid itself of stigma. Using ethnographic data collection at a non-governmental organisation in Warsaw, it discusses the use of symbols and the accumulation of what Bourdieu called symbolic capital. It draws heavily on the theory of Harrison's symbolic conflict and Schwimmer's notions of symbolic and direct competition, while bringing in Goffman's model of stigma to explain some of the behaviour of the activists themselves.
Este artículo analiza los contenidos producidos por la campaña ciberactivista #Votelgbt, surgida durante el período electoral brasileño de 2014, en redes de comunicación digital distribuida, y centrada en el aumento de la participación y representación política lgbt. El corpus se compone de publicaciones realizadas en página de la red social Facebook, durante los dos primeros momentos de actuación de la campaña (2014 y 2016). A partir del análisis de contenido bardiniano, se concluye que las principales intenciones de comunicación empleadas se volvieron a la sensibilización y convocatoria (llamada a la acción) de los electores, reflejando la legitimidad de las pautas y la importancia del compromiso en los procesos institucionales de participación. ; This paper analyzes the content produced by the #Votelgbt cyberactivist campaign, that emerged throughout the Brazilian election of 2014, in the digital communication networks distributed, aiming at increasing participation and political representation lgbt. The corpus is composed of publications carried out on the social network page Facebook, throughout the first two moments of the campaign (2014 and 2016). From the bardinian content analysis, we conclude that the main intentions of communication used were to raise awareness and convocation (call to action) of voters, reflecting the legitimacy of the agenda and the importance of involvement with the institutional processes of participation. ; Este artigo analisa os conteúdos produzidos pela campanha ciberativista #Votelgbt, surgida durante o pleito eleitoral brasileiro de 2014, em redes de comunicação digital distribuída, e centrada no aumento da participação e representação política lgbt. O corpus é composto por publicações realizadas em página da rede social Facebook, durante os dois primeiros momentos de atuação da campanha (2014 e 2016). A partir da análise de conteúdo bardiniana, conclui-se que as principais intenções de comunicação empregadas voltaram-se para a sensibilização e convocação (chamada à ação) dos eleitores, refletindo a legitimidade das pautas e a importància do envolvimento com os processos institucionais de participação.
