Suchergebnisse

Die Studie erklärt, warum staatliche Entwicklungszusammenarbeit LSBTI fördern sollte. Sie schildert, wie LSBTI-Aktivist_innen im Globalen Süden arbeiten, auf welche Herausforderungen sie stoßen und welche Erfahrungen sie beim Umgang mit Entwicklungszusammenarbeitsinstitutionen gemacht haben. Daneben umreißt die menschenrechtlichen Verpflichtungen Deutschlands und seiner Partnerländer und untersucht, welchen Beitrag menschenrechtliche Instrumente wie nationale Menschenrechtsinstitutionen und der Universal Periodic Review leisten können.

O presente artigo problematiza a incorporação da promoção dos direitos LGBTI nas políticas externas dos EUA e da UE. Em primeiro lugar, examina os principais documentos, discursos e políticas dos dois atores sobre à promoção dos direitos LGBTI no estrangeiro, e as semelhanças e diferenças entre as abordagens de ambos, atendendo às tendências da sua evolução e desenvolvimento contínuo. Em segundo lugar, o artigo analisa as condições internas nos países alvo que são propícias ao sucesso e ao fracasso do apoio internacional aos direitos LGBTI. Finalmente, o estudo apresenta uma visão crítica das medidas que são consideradas necessárias para aumentar a eficiência da promoção dos direitos LGBTI em países com tendências atuais mais negativas e/ou com historiais mais pobres sobre os direitos LGBTI.

AbstractPolitical competition accelerates the enactment of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans*, and intersexual rights (LGBTI+) due to the dynamic, rational behavior of mainstream parties across the political aisle to adapt to the sociopolitical environment. We argue that LGBTI+ social movements capitalize on median voter shifts combined with the rising pressure of ideologically close challenger parties to enact legislation. To examine this argument, we employ quantitative event history analysis with a unique dataset with measures for social movement, institutional, political, and sociocultural dimensions across 33 years in Spanish subnational arenas. We find that rising leftist and liberal contenders challenging dominant center‐left and center‐right parties, respectively, widen the opportunity political structure of LGBTI+ organizations. Ultimately, rising political fragmentation in a multiparty, multidimensional party system turns both left and right mainstream parties into allies of LGBTI+ organizations, which propose new legislation, due to political platforms seeking to preserve and enhance their electoral base.Related ArticlesBurnett, Craig M., and Aaron S. King. 2015. "The Personal Politics of Same‐Sex Marriage." Politics & Policy 43(4): 586–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12126.Lewis, Gregory B., Marc A. Rogers, and Kenneth Sherrill. 2011. "Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Voters in the 2000 US Presidential Election." Politics & Policy 39(5): 655–77. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00315.x.Skipworth, Sue Ann, Andrew Garner, and Bryan J. Dettrey. 2010. "Limitations of the Contact Hypothesis: Heterogeneity in the Contact Effect on Attitudes toward Gay Rights." Politics & Policy 38(5): 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00262.x.

This article aims to enrich the literature on EU sanctions in two ways. First, it argues that the absence of material sanctions does not imply a non-response. When faced with human rights violations, policymakers enjoy a third option besides exerting material pressure or refraining from intervening. They may instead employ what constructivist scholars call social sanctions. This option consists of verbally calling out the violators, either publicly, through a naming-and-shaming strategy, or diplomatically via political dialogue and demarches. Social sanctions can be a credible alternative or complement to material sanctions. Second, we argue for the importance of disaggregating the EU as a sender of sanctions. A non-response by executive institutions does not mean that the EU as a whole is standing idly by. Looking at social sanctions alongside material ones more accurately describes the choices policymakers face when designing their response to human rights violations. We demonstrate the value of our arguments by examining the EU's various responses to LGBTI rights violations in Lithuania and Uganda.

Intro -- Foreword -- Acknowledgments -- Praise for Feminist and LGBTI+ Activism across Russia, Scandinavia and Turkey -- Contents -- List of Figures -- 1 Introduction -- Transnationalizing Feminist and LGBTI+ Activisms in Russia, the Scandinavian Countries, and Turkey -- Varieties of Modernization in the Early Twentieth Century -- Cold War Rivalries and Transnational Organizing -- Contemporary Contestations of Gender Equality and Sexual Rights -- Navigating Contested Terms -- Multi-scalar Transnational Methodology -- Fieldwork in/on Russia -- Fieldwork in the Scandinavian Countries -- Fieldwork in Turkey -- Positionality and Ethical Concerns -- Chapter Outline -- References -- 2 Transnational Spaces of Resistance -- Scaling Resistance -- Transnational Civil Society: Between Co-optation and Resistance -- Promises and Pitfalls of Transnational Solidarity -- From Individual Bodies to Transnational Organizing: Beyond the Dichotomy of Visibility-Invisibility -- References -- 3 Transforming Conditions of Feminist and LGBTI+ Activism -- Contextualizing Feminist and LGBTI+ Activism: State-Civil Society Contestations -- Russia: Activists' Mobilization in Response to Repressive State Practices -- Turkey: Coping with the State Through In/Formal Organizing -- Scandinavian Countries: Civil Society as Extended Arm of State and the Invisibility of Marginalized Actors -- Marketization and Tensions Within Transnational Civil Society -- International Collaborations Beyond the East-West Divide -- Majority/Minority Divides -- Regional/Metropolitan Belongings -- (Un)doing Donor Politics -- Funding Policies and the Agenda of Activist Work -- Salaries: Between Passion and Profession -- Resisting Donor Hegemonies -- Conclusion -- References -- 4 Solidarities Across: Borders, Belongings, Movements -- De/stabilizing Divides Through Transnational Solidarities.

Examining the relationship between social media, anti-gender and everyday polarisation, this article identifies the ways social media platforms reflect the mundane amidst the interactions of users over social and political issues, showing how micro-stories can foreground macro-political tensions online. We examine a Twitter event over an outing that showed vigorous debates on issues pertaining to gender and its socio-political connotations in Turkey, employing textual and content analyses of reactions shared through hashtags and mentions. The outing involved a child custody battle in court and a secret recording, exposing the sexual identity of a woman popstar #Intizar. The paper shows how Twitter facilitated conservative, homophobic and patriarchal reactions that harnessed deep political polarisation between the AKP government's supporters and those declaring solidarity with LGBTI+ issues. A mundane divorce story exhibited the deep political tension in Turkey, which also exemplifies the depth of increasing online polarisation over gender on a global scale.

Between 2009 and 2014, an anti-homosexuality law circulating in the Ugandan parliament attracted global attention for the draconian nature of its provisions and for the involvement of US anti-gay evangelical Christians who were reported to have lobbied for its passage. This book makes three contributions to our understanding of these developments. First, it offers an account of the international relations that anticipated and followed the Anti Homosexuality Act. Journeying through encounters between the kingdom of Buganda and British colonialism, between the Ugandan state and its international donors, and between LGBTI activists in the global South and North, the book illuminates the frictional collaborations across geopolitical divides that produce and contest contemporary queerphobias.

The study of sexuality, especially queer sexuality, has occupied a historically marginal position within political economy. Where feminist scholars have addressed the topic, they have typically done so through the lens of women's sexual labour and social reproduction and/or by framing sexual orientation and gender identity as a variable through which patterns of differentiation may occur. Most critical political economy ignores sexuality entirely. As a result, matters of queer oppression and resistance have not been systematically investigated or theorised. This paper addresses this gap by fusing together insights from the emergent 'queering IPE' literature with two other strands of scholarship that integrate queer concerns into the study of global capitalism: the 'globalisation' and 'state-centric' frames. Based on this, I propose a theoretical framework for understanding queer struggle and apply this to the analysis of LGBTI politics and activism in Ghana. The paper argues that queer oppression and resistance are important topics of inquiry in and of themselves in political economy. At the same time, a broader ontological shift is required to recognise the constitutive role of sexuality within political economic phenomena, which has potentially far-reaching implications for future research agendas within and beyond the study of queer politics.