Australia's History of LGBTI Politics and Rights
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Australia's History of LGBTI Politics and Rights" published on by Oxford University Press.
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In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Australia's History of LGBTI Politics and Rights" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies
"LGBTI Human Rights in Global Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"The European Union's International Promotion of LGBTI Rights in its Foreign Relations" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"Decolonial Queer Politics and LGBTI+ Activism in Romania and Turkey" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics
"LGBTI Transnational Law: Sex as Crime, Violence as Control" published on by Oxford University Press.
In: German politics and society, Band 36, Heft 2, S. 27-54
ISSN: 1558-5441
This article examines the 2017 German national election through
the lens of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) interests. It
depicts the ways in which sexual minorities articulated their policy preferences,
the degree to which these positions were taken up in party platforms
and electoral discourse, and the extent to which the resulting coalition agreement
pledged to address queer citizens' concerns. I argue that, as a result of
what Sarah Childs and Mona Lena Krook call a critical actor, this election
provided sexual minorities with a high degree of responsiveness on one core
issue: marriage equality. Other issues of interest to LGBTI voters, however,
remained largely invisible. The conclusions here are based on analysis of primary
documents including interest group statements, party platforms, and
coalition agreements, as well as on German-language news coverage of the
election campaign.
In: Journal of refugee studies, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 1454-1476
ISSN: 1471-6925
Abstract
The article proposes a political ethnography of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGBTI) asylum founded on a fieldwork (2017–19) in an associative and activist context that supports LGBTI asylum applicants. Through the analysis of the narratives mobilized and produced during the interviews between asylum applicants and institutional agents in charge of receiving and assessing the requests for international protection, the article explores the institutional uses of the SOGI framework. The hypothesis that the article puts forward is that, far from concerning exclusively a confrontation/dispute among models of sexual orientation and gender identity, these interactions actually bring forth a logic of exchange of moral goods (vulnerability, feelings of shame and fear, identity, narratives). Given the impossibility for LGBTI asylum applicants to produce probatory documentation, this study exposes the strategies for determining legitimate from illegitimate LGBTI migrant subjects, 'good' from 'bad' migrant stories, and, therefore, the political and moral dimension of the institutional work and the grant of the right of asylum.
In: European journal of politics and gender, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 421-423
ISSN: 2515-1096
In: Mediterranean politics, Band 27, Heft 4, S. 505-525
ISSN: 1743-9418
In: German politics, Band 31, Heft 1, S. 101-118
ISSN: 1743-8993
In: Mediterranean politics, Band 27, Heft 4, S. 505-525
ISSN: 1743-9418
World Affairs Online
In: Southeastern Europe: L' Europe du sud-est, Band 40, Heft 1, S. 32-53
ISSN: 1876-3332
This paper investigates the convergence of European Union enlargement strategies and queer politics in the production of Islamophobia in Kosovo. Through a reading of recent homophobic attacks in Kosovo, it examines how the incorporation of lgbti politics into the eu enlargement assemblages generate a representational praxis of queer communities in Kosovo under threat by Muslim extremists. This paper proposes that the Europeanization of lgbti rights depoliticizes queer communities and singles them out for protection as victims of Islamic fundamentalism by creating binary and exclusionary Queer/Islam divisions that prevent the emergence of intersectional solidarities and subjectivities such as queer and Muslim. In this context, European financed 'coming out' projects gain a new meaning in Kosovo, one where the promotion of visibility for certain queer subjects works simultaneously to expose Muslim 'extremists'. Queer acceptance in Islamophobic times, then, becomes the ultimate test of who can and cannot become European citizen.
In: Der moderne Staat: dms ; Zeitschrift für Public Policy, Recht und Management, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 35-50
ISSN: 2196-1395
In: Janus.net, e-journal of International Relations, Band 8, Heft 2, S. 70-87
The essay problematizes the incorporation of LGBTI rights promotion into the US and EU foreign policies. First, the paper examines the two actors' key documents, speeches, and policies devoted to the promotion of LGBTI rights abroad, the similarities and differences between the two actors' approaches, attending to the tendencies of their evolution and the
ongoing development. Second, the article discusses the internal conditions in target countries that are conducive to the success and failure of international support of LGBTI rights. Finally, the study makes a critical overview of the measures that are argued to be necessary to increase the efficiency of LGBTI rights promotion in countries with most negative current trends in and/or poorest records on LGBTI rights.
In: Politics & policy
ISSN: 1747-1346
AbstractPolitical competition accelerates the enactment of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans*, and intersexual rights (LGBTI+) due to the dynamic, rational behavior of mainstream parties across the political aisle to adapt to the sociopolitical environment. We argue that LGBTI+ social movements capitalize on median voter shifts combined with the rising pressure of ideologically close challenger parties to enact legislation. To examine this argument, we employ quantitative event history analysis with a unique dataset with measures for social movement, institutional, political, and sociocultural dimensions across 33 years in Spanish subnational arenas. We find that rising leftist and liberal contenders challenging dominant center‐left and center‐right parties, respectively, widen the opportunity political structure of LGBTI+ organizations. Ultimately, rising political fragmentation in a multiparty, multidimensional party system turns both left and right mainstream parties into allies of LGBTI+ organizations, which propose new legislation, due to political platforms seeking to preserve and enhance their electoral base.Related ArticlesBurnett, Craig M., and Aaron S. King. 2015. "The Personal Politics of Same‐Sex Marriage." Politics & Policy 43(4): 586–610. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12126.Lewis, Gregory B., Marc A. Rogers, and Kenneth Sherrill. 2011. "Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Voters in the 2000 US Presidential Election." Politics & Policy 39(5): 655–77. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00315.x.Skipworth, Sue Ann, Andrew Garner, and Bryan J. Dettrey. 2010. "Limitations of the Contact Hypothesis: Heterogeneity in the Contact Effect on Attitudes toward Gay Rights." Politics & Policy 38(5): 887–906. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00262.x.