Hungary's recently established equality of opportunity framework guides the planning and implementation of interventions addressing the most pressing social inclusion challenges at the local level. The equality of opportunity framework provides a comprehensive set of resources, guidance, and templates to local governments to facilitate the planning of local equality plans (LEPs). Through extensive consultations with various governmental and non-governmental stakeholders at the national and local level, a series of challenges were identified for moving from a theoretical planning exercise to an earnest application that is, operationalization of the equality of opportunity framework at the local level. The intention of this handbook is to provide: practical guidance and hands-on instruments that empower local stakeholders to actively and effectively shape the local social inclusion landscape within the overall guiding framework of the local equal opportunity programs. The handbook therefore focuses on the challenges and opportunities of those local governments and related stakeholders that have the relevant primary care capacities and apparatus. The handbook is accompanied by a comprehensive set of illustrative local social inclusion case studies from all over Hungary. The case studies are intended to increase stakeholders' awareness, facilitate knowledge transfer, and peer learning. Even relevant elements of the case studies need to be customized and integrated into the local context.
Over the last decade, the countries of the Latin America and the Caribbean region experienced a deep economic and social transformation which lifted millions out of poverty and swelled the ranks of the middle class. Strong economic growth driven by both domestic reforms and a favorable global economic environment, was responsible for this progress. Complementary social programs, made possible by growing fiscal space, helped finance programs that supported the poor and disadvantaged. Economic tailwinds have now receded and much of the region is now working to hold on to the recent economic and social gains. Governments are having to adjust to the new global conditions which an increasing number of analysts are regarding as 'the new normal'. This means that the region will need to work harder to (i) revive economic growth through productivity gains and stable macroeconomic policies; (ii) invest in sustainable cities and infrastructure for an increasingly urban population; and (iii) help the poor get out of poverty through quality education and health services and affordable social protection programs.
Over the past two decades, community-based approaches to project delivery have become a popular means for governments and development agencies to improve the alignment of projects with the needs of rural communities and increase the participation of villagers in project design and implementation. This paper briefly summarizes the results of an impact evaluation of the National Solidarity Program, a community-driven development program in Afghanistan that created democratically elected community development councils and funded small-scale development projects. Using a randomized controlled trial across 500 villages, the evaluation finds that the National Solidarity Program had a positive effect on access to drinking water and electricity, acceptance of democratic processes, perceptions of economic wellbeing, and attitudes toward women. Effects on perceptions of local and national government performance and material economic outcomes were, however, more limited or short-lived.
Albania provides a small amount of social assistance to nearly 20 percent of its population through a system that allows some community discretion in determining distribution. This study investigates how well this social assistance program is targeted to the poor. Relative to other safety net programs in low-income countries, social assistance in Albania is fairly well targeted. Nevertheless, the system is hampered by the absence of a clear, objective criterion to determine the size of the grants from the central government to communes as well as limited information that could be used to implement this criterion. Substantial gains in targeting could be achieved if the central government better allocated transfers to local governments, even holding local targeting at base levels.
The term "inclusive cities" is increasingly being used as a "catch-all" phrase to signify intent but with little precision in its use. In this note we use "inclusive cities" to mean cities in which we see a commitment to an inclusive politics with the establishment of institutionalized interactions between organized groups of disadvantaged citizens and the state with local government taking a primary role. They are also cities in which governments have undertaken specific measures to secure improved access for low-income and otherwise disadvantaged groups to a range of essential goods and services including secure tenure for housing, inclusion in access to basic services and where required approval of and support for housing improvements. This note begins by considering who is excluded and from what and how. Seven challenges to the achievement of more inclusive cities are discussed: (i) lack of household income and the continuing prevalence of informal incomes; (ii) a lack of state investment capacity; (iii) a lack of political will; (iv) a lack of the basic data needed for identifying and addressing exclusion; (v) a lack of space for participation, especially by the lowest income groups; (vi) a lack of vision for what an inclusive city means within city government; and (vii) the constraints on inclusion from city governments organized sectorally. The note then discusses the metrics and indicators that can help inclusion and that have relevance for the post-2015 sustainable development agenda. These are challenges that governments and communities must tackle through their collective efforts. In terms of collaboration between groups, three particular challenges must be addressed:(i) to avoid being partial in their efforts and so to reach out to all groups in the city through finding forms of engagement that incentivize a breadth of activities drawing in all of those in need; (ii) to set up processes that outlive specific administrations or interests and that provide for continuity in collaboration between civil society and the state in each city; and (iii) to link across cities and city regions. We see a need to think about collaboration and joint efforts between city administration and surrounding municipalities, as well as a need to link experiences and efforts across cities. This should help in ensuring appropriate central government policies, regulatory frameworks, and the redistribution of resources.
Grenada has faced various socioeconomic challenges within the last decade, including the destruction wrought by Hurricane Ivan in 2004 and the global financial crisis. As a result, economic indicators for Grenada illustrate unfavorable. Increases in the poverty and unemployment rates, especially among the youth and young adults. This report presents an assessment of the regulatory, legislative, and institutional landscape governing workforce development (WfD) in Grenada. The results of this analysis are based on a newly designed analytical tool developed by the World Bank under the Systems Approach for Better Education Results (SABER) initiative. The aim of this initiative is to garner data so as to provide systematic documentation and assessment of the policy and institution factors that influence the performance of education and training systems of SABER-participating countries. The SABER-WfD tool encompasses initial, continuing, and targeted vocational education and training that are offered through multiple channels, and focus largely on programs at the secondary and post-secondary levels. The results of the assessment presented in this report are expected to assist in clarifying priorities. They classify the WfD system according to four stages of maturity in policy and institutional development, as follows: (1) Latent, (2) Emerging, (3) Established, and (4) Advanced.
This report provides a gender review of a decade and a half of World Bank infrastructure lending for 1,246 projects. The objective of this review is to assess the status of and trends in gender integration in the World Bank infrastructure portfolio, and to establish a baseline for monitoring and enhancing gender integration in line with commitments made for the 2006 gender action plan. The portfolio review reveals important progress on gender integration in infrastructure operations. While an average of 14 percent of infrastructure projects in 1995 applied some attention to gender concerns in 1995, this climbed to 36 percent by 2009. The global average, moreover, hides large strides made over time in four regions. In 2009, East Asia and the Pacific, Middle East and North Africa, South Asia, and Africa all included gender concerns in the design of at least 50 percent of their infrastructure projects. Hard work remains in consolidating and extending the gains in gender coverage across the infrastructure portfolio. This will require stronger management commitment, concerted efforts, a plan with targets to achieve sustainable results, resources, specialist staffing, and capacity enhancement of staff. The portfolio review repeatedly found that supporting gender equality and women's empowerment in infrastructure operations have large benefits for the communities; the actions not only increased women's opportunities but also enhanced project effectiveness, efficiency, and sustainability.
Internal displacement, rapid growth of urban areas and proliferation of informal settlements are in the spotlight of public policy debate in Afghanistan at present. This pamphlet discusses characteristics, livelihood strategies and vulnerabilities of households living in informal settlements in three urban centers in Afghanistan. These findings summarize the analysis from a joint World Bank-UNHCR 'research study on IDPs in urban settings', which illustrates the complexities of displacement and of urban informal settlement growth. Motivated by an existing knowledge gap on these issues, the analysis provides a starting point for discussion among actors directly or indirectly involved with management of problems related to displacement and urban informal settlements, including departments in the Government of Afghanistan, international institutions and stakeholders from civil society. The study documents the significance of displacement as a factor underlying vulnerabilities observed in informal settlements, and identifies IDPs as an extremely deprived segment of the population, even in comparison to the profile of urban poverty in the recent national risk and vulnerability assessment.
Panama's economic growth has been at the top of the Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) region in recent years. The country s rapid growth has been largely pro-poor and translated into significant poverty reduction. The new Administration is well placed to tackle these challenges, with its commitment to maintaining an open and diversified economy and redressing social imbalances. Looking ahead, the country s main challenges are to maintain the current growth performance and ensure that its benefits are extended to all. The World Bank Group s (WBG) new Country Partnership Framework (CPF) seeks to support Panama s continued high growth, while ensuring inclusion and opportunities for marginalized groups, and bolstering resilience and sustainability. These themes are highlighted as priorities in the Government s 2014-2019 Strategic Development Plan (SDP) and in the WBG s Systematic Country Diagnostic (SCD). The CPF seeks to maximize over a six-year period, the comparative advantages of the WBG, through packages of innovative public and private financing options based on cutting edge global knowledge and experience.
[spa] El transporte aéreo es de vital importancia en la actualidad por lo que respecta a la movilidad de los ciudadanos y va íntimamente ligado al fenómeno turístico, la evolución de las nuevas tecnologías y los nuevos hábitos de consumo. El actual escenario es producto de una evolución extraordinariamente cambiante en un periodo de tiempo relativamente reducido. Se trata de una relación contractual compleja, marcada a menudo por su carácter transfronterizo, en la que están implicados numerosos organismos de alcance mundial. En el ámbito de la Unión Europea, su desarrollo se inicia con un pronunciamiento del TJCE que tiene lugar en el año 1986 y que supone el principio del fin de los parámetros tradicionales, ya que se establece la libertad de las compañías para comercializar títulos de transporte a precio inferior al fijado por los estamentos gubernamentales y sus compañías de bandera. Con la llegada del proceso de liberalización, una de las medidas de acompañamiento está constituida por el ámbito de protección de los consumidores, una de las políticas más potentes de la Unión Europea. Así, se pone en marcha el Reglamento del overbooking, que tiene por principal finalidad minimizar los inconvenientes y molestias que padecen los usuarios del transporte aéreo a través de la compensación económica para los casos previstos reglamentariamente, pero que al mismo tiempo permite a las compañías llevar a cabo verdaderos incumplimientos contractuales, ofreciendo en el mercado un número de plazas superior a aquel del que realmente disponen las aeronaves. A cambio de reducir el precio de los billetes. Esta norma evoluciona con el tiempo, haciendo frente a una primera modificación en el año 2004, cambio mal recibido tanto por parte de los operadores como de los propios consumidores. Esta tesis tiene por principal objetivo analizar esta reforma y plantear hasta qué punto la misma no favorece más a las propias aerolíneas que a los consumidores, presumiendo que las cantidades que recoge el texto frente a las que se barajan en los documentos preparatorios son en buena parte producto de la acción de lobby de las empresas y la presión que ejercen sobre los órganos legislativos europeos. Presión que llega al límite por parte de aquellas al llegar a impugnar ante el Tribunal, sin éxito, el cambio que de manera evidente les es favorable. Este pronunciamiento recogido en la sentencia IATA cierra el círculo que veinte años antes iniciara el asunto "Nouvelles Frontières". En la última parte se hace referencia al inicio de un nuevo proceso de reforma, todavía en curso en el momento de dar por concluido el análisis, caracterizado por la extraordinaria influencia de las resoluciones de la instancia judicial europea (encabezada sin duda por la decisión Sturgeon que obliga a compensar también los retrasos, supuesto inicialmente excluido de la norma) producto a su vez de la labor constante de los juzgadores nacionales de los diferentes Estado Miembros cuando plantean las cuestiones perjudiciales que han de ayudar a delimitar la interpretación de la norma. En este sentido, temas tan importantes en el día a día de los consumidores europeos cuando se desplazan utilizando el transporte aéreo están sometidos a debate: el billete de avión como elemento integrante del viaje combinado, el importe de las compensaciones y su idoneidad para conjugar los intereses de los viajeros con la viabilidad económica de las compañías y la delimitación del concepto de circunstancias extraordinarias junto con el listado de las mismas que establece el anexo son un claro ejemplo. El camino está aún en construcción. ; [eng] Air transport is of vital importance today with regard to the mobility of citizens and is intimately linked to the tourist phenomenon, the evolution of new technologies and new consumer habits. The current scenario is an extraordinarily changing evolution product in a relatively short time period. It is a contractual relationship complex, often marked by their cross-border nature, in which they are involved many agencies worldwide. In the field of the European Union, its development begins with a ruling of the ECJ which takes place in the year 1986 which is the beginning of the end of the traditional parameters, as is established the freedom of companies to market fare at price lower than that laid down by government bodies and their flag companies. With the advent of liberalization, one of the accompanying measures is made up of the scope of protection of consumers, one of the most powerful policies of the European Union. So, it starts the regulation of overbooking, that main aims to minimize the inconvenience and discomfort, suffering from the users of air transport through economic compensation for the cases provided by law, but at the same time allows companies to carry out real breach of contract, offering seats more than those which actually have aircraft on the market. In exchange for lowering the price of the tickets. This standard evolves over time, facing a first amendment in 2004, shift badly received by both operators and consumers themselves. This thesis's main objective is to analyze this reform and consider to what extent it does not favour more airlines own that consumers, presuming that quantities that collects the text against which are shuffled in the preparatory documents are largely product of the action of companies lobby and pressure exerted on the European legislative organs. Pressure reaching the limit by those arriving to challenge before the Court, without success, change that clearly is favourable to them. This pronouncement in the IATA statement closes the circle that twenty years earlier began the "Nouvelles Frontières" topic. The latter part refers to the beginning of a new process of reform, still in progress at the time of terminating analysis, characterized by the extraordinary influence of the decisions of the European Court (no doubt led Sturgeon decision that obligates to compensate the delays, so-called initially excluded from the standard) product at the same time of the constant work of national judges of different Member State when they raise the detrimental issues that help to define the interpretation of the standard. In this regard, issues important in the European consumer day when they move using air transport are subject to debate: the ticket as part of the package, the amount of compensation and their suitability for combining the interests of travellers with the affordability of the companies and the delimitation of the concept of extraordinary circumstances together with the listing thereof referred to in the annex are a clear example. The road is still under construction. ; [cat] El transport aeri és d'una importància cabdal en l'actualitat pel que fa a la mobilitat dels ciutadans i va íntimament lligat al fenomen turístic, la evolució de les noves tecnologies i els nous hàbits de consum. L'actual escenari és producte d'una evolució extraordinàriament canviant en un període de temps relativament curt. Es tracta d'una relació contractual complexa, sovint pel seu habitual caràcter trans fronterer, en la que estan implicats nombrosos organismes d'abast mundial. En l'àmbit de la Unió Europea, el seu desenvolupament s'inicia amb un pronunciament del TJCE que té lloc a l'any 1986 i que suposa el principi de la fi dels paràmetres tradicionals, ja que s'estableix la llibertat de les companyies per oferir títols de transport a preu inferior al fixat per els estaments governamentals i les seves companyies de bandera. Amb l'arribada del procés de liberalització, una de les mesures d'acompanyament és constituït per l'àmbit de protecció dels consumidors, una de les polítiques més potents de la Unió Europea. Així, es posa en marxa el Reglament de l'overbooking, que té per principal finalitat minimitzar els inconvenients i molèsties que pateixen els usuaris del transport aeri a travès de la compensació econòmica pels casos taxats reglamentàriament, però que a les hores permet a les companyies portar a terme la programació de veritables incompliments contractuals, oferint en el mercat un nombre de places superior a aquell del que realment disposen les aeronaus. A canvi de portar a terme un abaratiment dels preus dels bitllets. Aquesta norma evoluciona amb el temps, enfrontant una primera modificació l'any 2004, canvi tan mal rebut per part dels propis operadors com per part dels consumidors. Aquesta tesi persegueix analitzar aquesta reforma i plantejar fins a quin punt aquesta no afavoreix més a les pròpies aerolínies que no pas als consumidors, presumint que les compensacions que finalment recull el text front a les que es barallen en els documents preparatoris són en bona mesura producte de la tasca de lobby de les empreses i la pressió que exerceixen sobre els òrgans legislatius europeus. Pressió que arriba a l'extrem per part d'aquelles d'impugnar davant el Tribunal, sense èxit, el canvi que de una manera prou evident els hi és favorable. Aquest pronunciament recollit a la sentència IATA tanca el cercle que vint anys enrere engegà l'assumpte "Nouvelles Frontières". En la darrera part, es fa referència al inici de nou d'un procés de reforma, encara viu en el moment de donar per tancat l'anàlisi, caracteritzat per l'extraordinària influència de les resolucions de la instància judicial europea, (encapçalada sens dubte per la decisió Sturgeon que obliga a compensar també els retards, supòsit inicialment exclòs a la norma), producte a la seva vegada de la tasca constant dels jutjadors nacionals dels diferents estats membres quan plantegen les qüestions prejudicials que han d'ajudar a delimitar la interpretació de la norma. En aquest sentit, temes prou importants en el dia a dia dels consumidors europeus quan es desplacen fent servir el transport aeri estan sotmesos a debat: el bitllet d'avió integrant el viatge combinat, el import de les compensacions i la seva idoneïtat per conjuminar els interessos dels viatgers amb la viabilitat econòmica de les companyies i la delimitació del concepte de circumstàncies extraordinàries i el llistat de les mateixes que estableix l'annex en són un clar exemple. El camí està encara en construcció.
From the pages of The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte by Marx and understanding the political and social events in France between 1848 and 1852, several interpretations have been made, by Marxist and non-Marxist authors alike, regarding the role played by the lower middle class in moments of crisis. Particularly, after the advent of fascism in 20th century Europe, many voices have risen to signal the XVIII Brumaire as Marx's call of attention on the dangers set by the lower middle class's counterrevolutionary and reactionary spirit. Even more, some think of the XVIII Brumaire, and Marx's take on Bonapartism as the first, and extremely prophetic, definition and description of a modern fascist regime. The purposes of this essay are to: first, define and describe the lower middle class and its social and political consequences according to Marx; and, second, to explore how the lower middle class has been analyzed by a selection of Marxist and non-Marxist authors as a crucial sociological and historical problem. The latter has been taken to the extent of even comparing the political phenomenon of Bonapartism to Fascism and the lower middle class historical relationship in both of them. Bonapartism and Fascism are very distinct types of political regimes, even if they share some similarities. Nevertheless, it would be ahistorical to describe Louis Bonaparte's regime as fascist. Even so, Marx's typically coined reactionary or counter-revolutionary role played by the lower middle class in both cases was similar. (1)Several designations have been used to differentiate the lower middle class from the higher middle class or big bourgeoisie: petite bourgeoisie, Kleinburgertumand, the unpleasant, lumpen-bourgeoisie. It is impossible to assign fixed meanings in distinct times and places to those concepts. What they mean, and enfold, in different historical moments is determined by historically concrete political, social and economic structures and conditions. A social lower middle stratum was economically, but not so much politically, active during the preindustrial era. Its internal structure, predominantly formed by independent peasants, corporate-guild artisans and shopkeepers, and the nature of its relationship to the rest of society was particularly different from the economically, socially and more politically active, lower middle class of primarily dependent clerks, independent peasants, technicians, professionals and small shop owners of capitalist society (2). From Marx to the present there have been few attempts to define the lower middle class because the main issue was not the Kleinburgertum's own historical, social and political particularities; but, the fact that the petite bourgeoisie conformed a "classes class". In Marxist terms, the lower middle class was a class in but not foritself. This meant that the petty bourgeoisie was dependent on its own fate but not on its own existence. The lower middle class was torn, and it still may be today, between two possible outcomes: proletarianization or embourgeoisement (3). In the first one, the petite bourgeoisie is condemned to being proletarianized. In fact, during the early industrialization period of England the small artisans and some specialized technicians were dissolved or forced into the industrial working class (4). In the second scenario, they would integrate with the big bourgeoisie finally accomplishing a long social aspiration. It would, certainly, diminish the fears and concerns of being proletarianized and, lastly and possibly, would allow clerks and professionals to be the frontrunners of a classless postindustrial society (5). Accordingly, as Marx said in the XVIII Brumaire, the lower middle class should be viewed as a transitional class whose members would finally end up being part of the proletarians or the bourgeoisie. Nevertheless, the lower middle class has had a pivotal role in certain historically crucial events: revolutions and counterrevolutions. Marx attributed no apparent class-consciousness to the petite bourgeoisie, except in times of severe crisis. The lower middle class, following Marx, lacked its own class-consciousness because it was afraid to become proletarian and aspired to attain the bourgeoisie's style of living and class standing in society even though it also despised the big bourgeoisie's productive means and way of life. Marx, in a prophetic Freudian style analysis, would ascribe this apparent contradiction to the lower middle class own self-hate. Nevertheless, lacking its own class-consciousness did not mean that the petite bourgeoisie was not capable of generating its own separate culture, life-style and Weltanschauung. The problem was that it engendered its own ethos in direct opposition to the proletarian and bourgeoisie ones; affecting, then, its own cultural authenticity. All this said, the lower middle class may not have been self-conscious but it certainly was self-aware. It had distinctive class awareness (6). The interest of Karl Marx in the lower middle class was provoked by the role the author gave to it during the events that unfolded in France between February 1848 and December 1852, particularly the role played by the petite bourgeoisie in the ascendance to power of Louis Bonaparte in the coup d'état of December 1852. First of all, it is imperative to define how Marx understood the social composition of the lower middle class in mid-nineteen century France. Small independent peasants, clerks and small artisans and shopkeepers were Marx's main petty bourgeoisie members. All of them were part of this classless class because they lacked the property of the main means of capitalist production, that in mid-nineteen century France Marx attributed to the industrial, large-retail and financial sectors; and, because they were not even proletarians either because they were small owners (particularly small peasants and shopkeepers) or because their work did not constitute an intensive manual waged labor (artisans and specially State's clerks). Marx did not see in them any economic conditions of existence, under which they lived, that could separate their mode of life, their interests and their culture from those of other classes. Given this situation, the small peasants, clerks and shopkeepers were not in any hostile opposition (as a clearly defined class with its own interests, culture and mode of life) to the bourgeoisie or the proletariat. Marx did not witness any sense of class-consciousness in them. He only viewed a local interconnection among small peasants, shopkeepers and clerks; but there was no sense of identification of interests between all of them that could beget unity and political organization. But even if they did not conform a class on itself, they were aware of their own uncertain socio-economic circumstances: at any given moment the big bourgeoisie, either by the action of retail competition or that of bank executions of failed mortgage payments, could toss them into the proletarian class. This socio-economic fear of becoming part of a propertyless class put them in direct opposition with the working class and drove them into the arms of the big bourgeoisie in moments of severe political crisis. Only here did Marx perceive the existence of class-consciousness in the petty bourgeoisie. In the XVIII Brumaire Marx distinguishes three moments where the lower middle class acted as a class in itself: in the February Revolution of 1848 when they rebelled, alongside sectors of the big bourgeoisie and the proletarians, against the Orleanist monarchy; in June 1848 when they actively collaborated with the big bourgeoisie in crushing the proletarian rebellion; and finally, in December 1852 when they endorsed Louis Bonaparte's coup d'état against the bourgeoisie republic. In the first episode, Marx observes a revolutionary role embedded in the lower middle class. He recognizes a class-consciousness in them; a strive to enact political and social change in the wellbeing of their own interests. In June 1848, Marx assigns them a counter-revolutionary role. They react out of fear and misguided by the bourgeoisie. They are afraid that a proletarian revolution would forever kill their socio-economic aspiration to become part of the bourgeoisie. According to Marx they are right to be fearful. A proletarian revolution would lead to a dictatorship of the proletariat and to the end of all classes. Alas, their desire of a bourgeoisie life-style as a "heaven on earth" would be tromped. A classless society would take away from them what distinguished them from the proletariat and what would, eventually, provided them upwards-social mobility: small private property and better paid and socially-respected professional labor. It has to be added that Marx also makes the bourgeoisie responsible for the lower middle class actions in the June rebellion. The former convinced the latter not to support and even to fight the proletarians by guaranteeing them access to better social standing, better financial and trade benefits and inclusion into the higher middle class. These were all false promises, which lack of satisfaction led to the events of December 1852. The lower middle class, betrayed by the bourgeoisie and immersed in deeply economic despair (which they made the big bourgeoisie responsible for) decided to fully endorse Louis Bonaparte's coup d'état. Again, and maybe more than ever if Marx's argument is to be followed, the lower middle class acted as a fully conscious class and had a counter-revolutionary and, even more, a reactionary role against the French bourgeoisie republic. Why did the lower middle class support Bonapartism? According to Marx, Napoleon III was the only one that could represent the petty bourgeoisie's interests. They did not have any sense of class-consciousness, which meant that they were unable to express their interests in a collective way. Meaning, that they were, like Marx says, incapable of enforcing their class interests in their own name through a parliament or any other democratic convention or institution. The lower middle class needed, and were also longing for, a paternalistic, authoritarian and charismatic figure that would represent their interest and implement policies accordingly. Louis Bonaparte mirrored everything the lower middle class was pursuing: the protection of their interests by identifying them with France's interests; the understanding of France as an economically based petite bourgeoisie country in opposition to big bourgeoisie enterprises (banks and big retails companies); and, the conversion of the lower middle class's aspiration forgrandeur through the Second French Empire's expansionist foreign policy (7).Bonapartism protected them from the rapacious big bourgeoisie, assured their vital place in society as France's economic engine protecting small private property from socialist distribution of wealth drives coming from the working class and satisfied their sumptuousness desires by establishing a lower middle class based Empire as Europe's major power. Marx's perceptions and warnings on the lower middle class counter-revolutionary and reactionary roles in periods of political and economic crisis has been regarded, by Marxist and non-Marxist authors alike, as an indication for future revolutionary moments and as a prophetic alert on future authoritarian regimes like fascism. Lenin himself defined the petite bourgeoisie as a "half-class" or "quasi-workers" or "quasi-bourgeois" class that would be more difficult to eradicate than the big bourgeoisie and that would be politically unreliable (8). The lower middle class unpredictable behavior and dislike for radical policies could produce a reactionary backlash that could only be prevented by a rapid proletarization of all society. Nevertheless, even if Lenin was afraid of the possibility of an authoritarian government led by Kornilov and backed by the petty bourgeoisie (9); he later acknowledged, particularly by implementing the New Economic Policy, the lower middle class economic importance and envisaged them as a transitory class towards a proletarian society (10). Lastly, several authors have taken the XVIII Brumaire in order to compare Bonapartisim to fascism, even affirming that Napoleon's III rule was the first fascist regime in history, or to seek the social origins of both kinds of regimes in the lower middle classes. Jacob Schapiro not only sees the origins of 20th century fascism in 19th century Bonapartist France, he even defines Bonapartism as a type of fascism based on Marx's description of the regime in the XVIII Brumaire (11). Jost Dulffer analyses such comparison and, even if similarities are found, completely rejects its. He actually trends the historical origins of such comparisons to Trotsky's and August Thalheimer's writings on Nazism during the 1920s and 30s (12). Finally, Seymour Martin Lipset popularized the notion that fascism, just like Bonapartism, was an expression of the lower middle class resentments. According to Lipset, fascism was politically transformed rage of independent artisans, shopkeepers, small peasants and clerks that found themselves squeezed between better organized industrial workers and big businessmen and were "missing the boat" within the rapid social and economic changes of modern society (13). However, Ian Kershaw, Robert Paxton and Thomas Childers empirically confirm that fascism was not only a lower middle class phenomenon and that without the acquiesce of the conservative elites and sectors of the big bourgeoisie it would never had have come to power (14). Even if the comparisons between Bonapartism and fascism are historically pointless it is worth noticing, like Arno Meyer did, that Karl Marx was the first one to tackle the problem of the lower middle class lack of class-consciousness (15). Marx is correct in pointing out the lower middle class's awareness of itself and its dysfunctional and contradictory relationship vis-à-vis the big bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Even more so, Marx accurately identifies the social, political and historical role of the petty bourgeoisie: to gain consciousness in moments of crisis and pivotally function either as a revolutionary actor, alongside the bourgeoisie and the working class, or as a counter-revolutionary one, against the proletariat, or as reactionary one against the big bourgeoisie. This is, maybe, Marx's most important and timeless legacy from The Eighteen Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte.(1) Crossick, Geoffrey and Haupt, Heinz-Gerhard, The Petite Bourgeoisie in Europe 1780-1914, Rutledge, New York, 1998, pp. 16-38.(2) Mayer, Arno J., "The Lower Middle Class as Historical Problem", The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 47, No.3, Sep. 1975, pp. 409-436. (3) See Thompson, Edward, The Making of the English Working Class, Random House, New York, 1963.(4) See Bell, Daniel, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting, Basic Books, New York, 1999. (5) See Giddens, Anthony, The Class Structure of Advanced Societies, Unwin Hyman, London, 1989.(6) See, Zeldin, Theodore, The Political System of Napoleon III, Macmillan, London, 1958.(7) Lenin, V. I., "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder: A Popular Essay in Marxian Strategy and Tactics, University of the Pacific Press, San Francisco, 2001, pp. 9-52. (8) Fitzpatrick, Sheila, The Russian Revolution, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2008, pp. 60.(9) Ibid, pp. 93-149.(10) Schapiro, Jacob S., Liberalism and the Challenge to Fascism, McGraw Hill, New York, 1949, pp. 308-31.(11) Dulffer, Jost, "Bonapartism, Fascism and National Socialism", Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 11, No.4, 1976, pp. 109-128.(12) Lipset Seymour M., Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1981, pp. 127-182.(13) See, Childers, Thomas, "The Social Bases of the National Socialist Vote",Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 11, No.4, 1976, pp. 17-42; Kershaw, Ian,"The Hitler Myth": Image and Reality in the Third Reich, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2001; Kershaw, Ian, The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation, Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2000; and, Paxton, Robert, The Anatomy of Fascism, Random House, New York, 2004.(14) Mayer, Arno J., "The Lower Middle Class as Historical Problem", The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 47, No.3, Sep. 1975, pp. 409-436. *Estudiante de Doctorado, New School for Social Research, New YorkMaestría en Estudios Internacionales, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella, Buenos AiresÁrea de Especialización: Procesos de formación del Estado moderno, sociología de la guerra, terrorismo, genocidio, conflictos étnicos, nacionalismos y minorías.E-mail: guere469@newschool.edu
The diaspora of developing countries can be a potent force for development for their countries of origin, through remittances, but also, importantly, through promotion of trade, investments, research, innovation, and knowledge and technology transfers. This book brings relevant experience from both developed and developing countries to bear on issues confronting today's governments in linking with their diaspora. The chapters present different approaches used by countries that have tried to maximize the possible gains from migration by engaging more comprehensively with different diaspora groups and individuals. Some African countries are pursuing policies to develop links with Africans abroad, either to encourage them to return or to use their skills, knowledge, or financial capital to foster African development. The book discusses concrete examples of diaspora initiatives that are being implemented in Africa. There are comprehensive reviews on how the diaspora can promote trade and investment linkages. Some developing countries are using dual citizenship to deepen ties with their diaspora. The book directly addresses the issues of remittances-linked financial instruments, investments by the diaspora, diaspora bonds, contributions of skilled and unskilled diaspora in transferring knowledge, analytical research on return migration, and concrete circular migration experiences. There is a need to have a better understanding of these initiatives and to see whether they can be scaled up or replicated in other countries worldwide.
The 2014-2015 Romania Regional Development 2 Program is the continuation of the World Bank's technical assistance to the Ministry of Regional Development and Public Administration (MRDPA). Building on the previous engagement, the current work addresses a fundamental question: given Romania's persistent development challenges, how can the country do more with less when it comes to the public infrastructure it needs? The key is to enhance coordination and harmonization of different funding sources, particularly infrastructure programs financed from the state budget and from EU structural funds. The National Local Development Program (PNDL), managed by the MRDPA, is reviewed in depth, though the conclusions typically hold for all state-budget-funded programs. This synthesis report summarizes the main findings and recommendations from eight final reports and 24 knowledge sharing workshops organized in all eight regions in Romania in 2015. Several 'bonus' outputs were also produced, going beyond the terms of this technical assistance (three investment guides, an applicant guide, and an operational manual). This synthesis report – along with all the outputs it draws from – is meant as a practical tool for policymakers at the national, regional, and local level. It also seeks to inform a broader audience of private and nongovernmental stakeholders.
Microfinance supports mainly informal activities that often have a low return and low market demand. It may therefore be hypothesized that the aggregate poverty impact of microfinance is modest or even nonexistent. If true, the poverty impact of microfinance observed at the participant level represents either income redistribution or short run income generation from the microfinance intervention. This article examines the effects of microfinance on poverty reduction at both the participant and the aggregate levels using panel data from Bangladesh. The results suggest that access to microfinance contributes to poverty reduction, especially for female participants, and to overall poverty reduction at the village level. Microfinance thus helps not only poor participants but also the local economy.
ResumenEn este artículo examino la gratitud y la ingratitud como herramientas analíticas valiosas para determinar cómo las desigualdades sociales le dan forma a las prácticas de parentesco. Acusar a un pariente de ingratitud revela los límites y las líneas de falla del parentesco, así como también expectativas estrechamente relacionadas sobre qué debe ser dado, cómo debe ser dado y cómo debe ser recibido. Como tal, este ensayo sigue la línea de una valiosa tradición antropológica de unificar los análisis del don y del parentesco. Argumento que expresiones de y discursos sobre la gratitud y la ingratitud remiten muy de cerca a dimensiones de relaciones sociales tales como el género, la generación y la clase social, y simultáneamente revelan tensiones dentro de las relaciones de parentesco donde el deber y la obligación son cuestionados. Los ejemplos etnográficos son tomados del trabajo de campo en Ayacucho, una pequeña ciudad en los Andes peruanos, donde la crianza adoptiva informal y las relaciones tensas entre hijos adultos y sus padres ancianos suministran dos esferas relacionadas de expresiones de ideas acerca de la gratitud y la ingratitud. Analizando estos dos ejemplos, argumento que la gratitud y la ingratitud son heurísticas analíticas, útiles para identificar y centrarse sobre dimensiones de relaciones que, según se entiende, caen dentro del dominio del parentesco, y son potencialmente útiles también en otros escenarios.Palabras clave: Parentesco, crianza, niñez, el don, Perú. Abstract. Towards an Anthropology of Ingratitude: Notes from Andean KinshipAccusations of ingratitude to kin reveal much about the edges and fault lines of kinship that would otherwise not be apparent. But equally, they reveal much that is unexpected about the gift – about expectations of what should be given and how it should be received. In this article, I bring together anthropological literature on the gift and on kinship in order to argue that expressions of gratitude or ingratitude index dimensions of social relations such as gender, generation, and social class, and simultaneously reveal tensions within kinship relations where duty and obligation are contested. Examples are drawn from fieldwork where informal fostering and the fraught relations between grown children and their aging parents provide arenas for analysis of expressions of gratitude and ingratitude. Analyzing these examples, I argue for gratitude as an analytical heuristic, useful to identify and focus upon dimensions of relations understood to fall within the domain of kinship, and potentially useful in other settings as well.Key words: fostering, childhood, the gift, the Andes. 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