Suchergebnisse

In 1927 the Palestine Government commissioned us to prepare a statement of the Land Law then in force in Palestine for the use of Officers engage in the work of Land Settlement. The statement then prepared has been given a wider circulation than was, perhaps, at first intended and copies had been made for sale, it has proved useful both to practitioners and students. Circumstances appear to call for a republication of the statements in a more convenient form and this has been made possible with the consent of the government. We have taken the opportunity revising the original statement very thoroughly and adding chapters upon the protection of agricultural tenants expropriation , town planning, Taxation of land, etc. These are matters of interest to the students and practitioners though less relevant to the work of Settlement Officers for whom the original statement was designed We have also inserted a chapter dealing with the Cadastral Survey and the setting forth the law under which Land Settlement operations take place. References to legislations and as far as possible to court decisions , have been brought up to date. Unfortunately no adequate reports of decided cases are published in Palestine . Use have been made of the reports given in Palestine Post for which all persons interested are very grateful, and also of some other sources of information. A Volume of Reports under the editorship of His Honour the Chief Justice has been published and it is to be hoped that the practice of official publication once established will be maintained. Unfortunately the publication of the Volume of Reports took place at too late a date to allow of reference in the text of cases included in the Volume. The most important of the land cases is the Volume of reports has been summarized for references in an Appendix to this book.

[Nebst:] Appendix containing maps

"A fundamental aspect of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis is the territorial dispute which began long before the State of Israel was established. Analysing the land tenure system in Palestine under the administration of the British Mandate, this book questions whether, and to what extent, the land tenure system in Palestine facilitated Zionist land acquisition.The research uses benchmarks elaborated in the guidelines of the United Nations Human Settlements Programme as its analytical starting point, and looks at the formation and implementation of the land tenure system in Palestine. It goes on to place the penetration of Zionism into the land tenure system within the theoretical context of a colonial-settler framework, employing information from land registry records located at the Jordanian Department of Lands.Providing a political-historical analysis of the land tenure system from the end of Ottoman Rule until the end of the British Mandate, this book will be of interest to scholars and students of Middle Eastern History, Imperial and Colonial History, and Middle Eastern Politics"--

Since 1967, each Israeli government has invested significant resources in establishing and expanding the settlements in the Occupied Territories, both in terms of the area of land they occupy and in terms of population. As a result of this policy, approximately 380,000 Israeli citizens now live on the settlements on the West Bank, including those established in East Jerusalem (this report does not relate to the settlements in the Gaza Strip). During the first decade following the occupation, the Ma'arach governments operated on the basis of the Alon Plan, which advocated the establishment of settlements in areas perceived as having "security importance," and where the Palestinian population was sparse (the Jordan Valley, parts of the Hebron Mountains and Greater Jerusalem). After the Likud came to power in 1977, the government began to establish settlements throughout the West Bank, particularly in areas close to the main Palestinian population centers along the central mountain ridge and in western Samaria. This policy was based on both security and ideological considerations. The political process between Israel and the Palestinians did not impede settlement activities, which continued under the Labor government of Yitzhak Rabin (1992-1996) and all subsequent governments. These governments built thousands of new housing units, claiming that this was necessary to meet the "natural growth" of the existing population. As a result, between 1993 and 2000 the number of settlers on the West Bank (excluding East Jerusalem) increased by almost 100 percent.

The system of Waqf management is still not as expected because many land dispute problems that arise in the midst of society are caused by factors that hinder the delivery of Waqf intentions from a representative. The issue of Waqf disputes is often brought to the path of litigation (court) so that alternative channels are needed in finding a resolution. The research method used is the method of juridical law research normative with the approach of legislation. The purpose of this research is to prioritize non-litigation pathways first to resolve Waqf disputes. The results showed that the factors that cause the non-implementation of Waqf lies in administrative problems when trying to make a deed of Waqf land pledge caused by disapproval by the heirs of the representative to the management of Waqf by nadzir who lack integrity and responsiveness. Recommendations on the issue, Waqf disputes should first put forward a non-Litigation line, because the Litigation line as a last resort to find a place to resolve land disputes.

AbstractThe accepted wisdom is that the mushā in Palestine was an archaic system that blocked any chance of development, since no one had any inducement to improve his land. But this study of the mushā, as part of a set of institutions, contradicts that wisdom. The mushā in Palestine was an efficient, dynamic economic institution that facilitated investment. There was no need for land reform, which only proved destructive to the economy of the fallāhīn. It nullified the advantages inherent in the system and, unexpectedly, facilitated the transfer of lands from Arabs to Jews. La vision généralement admise est que le mushā en Palestine était un système archaïque qui faisait obstacle à toute perspective de développement, puisque personne n'était incité à améliorer sa terre. Mais notre étude du mushā contredit cette vision. Le mushā en Palestine était une institution économique efficace et dynamique qui facilitait l'investissement. La réforme foncière qui abolit le mushā a été destructrice pour l'économie des fallāhīn. La réforme a annulé les avantages inhérents au système et, de façon inattendue, a facilité le transfert de terres des Arabes aux Juifs.